Korea S Fight For Freedom

Korea's Fight for Freedom

" Mr. F. A. McKenzie has been abused in the columns of the
Japanese press, with a violence which, in the absence of any
reasoned controversy, indicated a last resource. In answer to
his specific charges, only one word has been uttered lies ! '

Yet these charges embrace crimes of the first magnitude
murder, plunder, outrage, incendiarism, and in short all the
horrors that make up tyranny of the worst description. It is
difficult to see how Mr. McKenzie's sincerity could be called
into question, for he, too, like many other critics of the new
Administration, was once a warm friend and supporter of Japan.

" In those days, his contributions were quoted at great length
in the newspapers of Tokyo, while the editorial columns ex-
pressed their appreciation of his marked capacity. So soon,
however, as he found fault with the conditions prevailing in
Korea, he was contemptuously termed a yellow journalist ' and
a * sensation monger.* " From "Empires of the Far JSast," by
F. Lancelot Lawson. London. Grant Richards.

" Mr. McKenzie was perhaps the only foreigner outside the
ranks of missionaries who ever took the trouble to elude the
vigilance of the Japanese, escape from Seoul into the in-
terior, and there see with his own eyes what the Japanese were
really doing. And yet when men of this kind, who write of
things which come within scope of personal observation and
enquiry, have the presumption to tell the world that all is not
-well in Korea, and that the Japanese cannot be acquitted of
guilt in this context, grave pundits in Tokyo, London and New
York gravely rebuke them for following their own senses in
preference to the official returns of the Residency General. It
is a poor joke at the best ! Nor is it the symptom of a powerrul
cause that the failure of the Japanese authorities to * pacify *
the interior is ascribed to < anti- Japanese ' writers like Mr.
McKenzie." from "JPeacc and War in the Far J5ast>" fy . y.
Harrison* Yokohama. XCelly and Walsh.

Korea's Fight for
Freedom

By
F. A. McKENZIE

Author of "The Tragedy of Korea," "The

U?tveiled East," "Through the

Hmdenburg Line** etc.

Public Library,

Kansas City, Mo

NEW YORK CHICAGO

Fleming H. Revcll Company

LONDON AND EDINBURGH

Copyright, 1920, by
JLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY

New York: 158 Fifth Avenue
Chicago: 17 North Wabash Ave.
London: ai Paternoster Square
Edinburgh: 75 Princes Street

Preface

THE peaceful uprising of the people of
Korea against Japan in the spring of 1919
came as a world surprise. ,Here was a
nation that had been ticketed and docketed by
world statesmen as degenerate and cowardly, re-
vealing heroism of a very high order.

The soldier facing the enemy in the open is in-
spired by the atmosphere of war, and knows that
he has at least a fighting chance against his foe.
The Koreans took their stand their women
and children by their side without weapons and
without means of defense. They pledged them-
selves ahead to show no violence. They had all
too good reason to anticipate that their lot would
be the same as that of others who had preceded
them torture as ingenious and varied as Torque-
mada and his familiars ever practiced.

They were not disappointed. They were called
on to endure all that they had anticipated, in good
measure, pressed down and running over. When
they were dragged to prison, others stepped into
their place. When these were taken, still others
were ready to succeed them. And more are even
now waiting to join in the dreadful procession, if

5

6 PEEFAOB

the protests of the civilized world do not induce
Japan to call a halt.

It seems evident that either the world made a
mistake in its first estimate of Korean character,
or these people have experienced a new birth.
Which is the right explanation? Maybe both.

To understand what has happened, and what, as
I write, is still happening, one has to go back for a
few years. When Japan, in face of her repeated
pledges, annexed Korea, her statesmen adopted an
avowed policy of assimilation. They attempted to
turn the people of Korea into Japanese an inferior
brand of Japanese, a serf race, speaking the lan-
guage and following the customs of their overlords,
and serving them.

To accomplish this better, the Koreans were
isolated, not allowed to mix freely with the outer
world, and deprived of liberty of speech, person
and press. The Japanese brought certain material
reforms. They forgot to supply one thing jus-
tice. Men of progressive ideas were seized and im-
prisoned in such numbers that a new series of
prisons had to be built. In six years the total of
prisoners convicted or awaiting trial doubled. The
rule of the big stick was instituted, and the Japa-
nese police were given the right to flog without trial
any Korean they pleased. The bamboo was em-
ployed on scores of thousands of people each year,
employed so vigorously as to leave a train of
cripples and corpses behind. The old tyranny of

PREFACE 7

the yang-ban was replaced by a more terrible, be-
cause more scientifically cruel, tyranny of an un-
controlled police.

The Japanese struck an unexpected strain of
hardness in the Korean character. They found,
underneath the surface apathy, a spirit as deter-
mined as their own. They succeeded, not in as-
similating the people, but in reviving their sense of
nationality.

Before Japan acquired the country, large num-
bers of Koreans had adopted Christianity. Under
the influence of the teachers from America, they
became clean in person, they brought their women
out from the " anpang " (zenana) into the light of
day, and they absorbed Western ideas and ideals.
The mission schools taught modern history, with
its tales of the heroes and heroines of liberty,
women like Joan of Arc, men like Hampden and
George Washington, And the missionaries circu-
lated and taught the Bible the most dynamic and
disturbing book in the world. When a people
saturated in the Bible comes into touch with
tyranny, either one of two things happens, the peo-
ple are exterminated or tyranny ceases.

The Japanese realized their danger. They tried,
in vain, to bring the Churches under Japanese con-
trol. They confiscated or forbade missionary text-
books, substituting their own. Failing to win the
support of the Christians, they instituted a wide-
spread persecution of the Christian leaders of the
north. Many were arrested and tortured on

S PEEFACE

charges which the Japanese Courts themselves
afterwards found to be false. The Koreans en-
dured until they could endure no more. Not the
Christians alone, but men of all faiths and all classes
acted as one. The story of their great protest, of
what led up to it, and the way in which it was met,
is told in this book.

To the outsider, one of the most repulsive
features of the Japanese method of government
of Korea is the wholesale torture of untried
prisoners, particularly political prisoners. Were
this torture an isolated occurrence, I would not
mention it There are always occasional men who,
invested with authority and not properly controlled,
abuse their position. But here torture is employed
in many centres and on thousands of people. The
Imperial Japanese Government, while enacting
paper regulations against the employment of tor-
ture, in effect condones it. When details of the
inhuman treatment of Christian Korean prisoners
have been given in open court, and the victims have
been found innocent, the higher authorities have
taken no steps to bring the torturers to justice*

The forms of torture freely employed include,
among others :

1. The stripping, beating, kicking, flogging, and
outraging of schoolgirls and young women.

2. Flogging schoolboys to death.

3. Burning the burning of young girls by
pressing lighted cigarettes against their tender

PEEFAOE 9

parts, and the burning of men, women and children
by searing their bodies with hot irons.

4. Stringing men tip by their thumbs, beating
them with bamboos and iron rods until unconscious,
restoring them and repeating the process, some-
times several times in one day, sometimes until
death.

5. Contraction tying men up in such fashion
as to cause intense suffering,

6. Confinement for long periods under tortur-
ing conditions, as, c. g., where men and women are
packed so tightly in a room that they cannot lie or
sit down for days at a stretch.

In the latter chapters of this book I supply details
of many cases where such methods have been em-
ployed. Where it can safely be done, I give
full names and places. In many instances this is
impossible, for it would expose the victims to fur-
ther ill treatment. Sworn statements have been
made before the American Consular authorities
covering many of the worst events that followed
the 1919 uprising. These are now, I understand,
with the State Department at Washington. It is
to be hoped that in due course they will be pub-
lished in full.

When my book, " The Tragedy of Korea," was
published in 1908, it seemed a thankless and hope-
less task to plead for a stricken and forsaken na-
tion. The book, however, aroused a wide-spread
and growing interest. It has been more widely

10 PBEPACE

quoted and discussed in 1919 than in any previous
yean Lawyers have argued over it in open court;
statesmen have debated parts of it in secret con-
ferences, Senates and Parliaments. At a famous
political trial, one question was put to the prisoner,
"Have you read the 'Tragedy of Korea'? 5 ' It
has been translated into Chinese.

At first I was accused of exaggeration and worse.
Subsequent events have amply borne out my state-
ments and warnings. The book has been for a
long time out of print, and even second-hand copies
have been difficult to obtain. I was strongly urged
to publish a new edition, bringing my narrative up
to date, but I found that it would be better to write
a new book, including in it, however, some of the
most debated passages and chapters of the old.
This I have done.

Some critics have sought to charge me with be-
ing " anti- Japanese/' No man has written more
appreciatively of certain phases of Japanese char-
acter and accomplishments than myself. My per-
sonal relations with the Japanese, more especially
with the Japanese Army, left me with no sense of
personal grievance but with many pleasant and
cordial memories. My Japanese friends were good
enough to say, in the old days, that these agreeable
recollections were mutual

I have long been convinced, however, that the
policy of Imperial expansion adopted by Japan, and
the means employed in advancing it, are a grave

PREFACE 11

menace to her own permanent well-being and to
the future peace of the world, I am further con-
vinced that the militarist party really controls
Japanese policy, and that temporary modifications
which have been recently announced do not imply
any essential change of national plans and am-
bitions. If to believe and to proclaim this is " anti-
Japanese," then I plead guilty to the charge. I
share my guilt with many loyal and patriotic Japa-
nese subjects, who see, as I see, the perils ahead.

In this book I describe the struggle of an ancient
people towards liberty. I tell of a Mongol nation,
roughly awakened from its long sleep, under con-
ditions of tragic terror, that has seized hold of and
is clinging fast to, things vital to civilization as we
see it, freedom and free faith, the honour of their
women, the development of their own souls.

I plead for Freedom and Justice. Will the world
hear?

F. A, McKENZiE.

Contents

I. OPENING THE OYSTER . . . *5

II. JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 28

III. THE MURDER OF THE QUEEN ... 42

IV. THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB / . .60

V. THE NEW ERA 79

VI. THE RULE OF PRINCE ITO . . .104
VIL THE ABDICATION OF Yi HYEUNG . .121

VIII. A JOURNEY TO THE " RIGHTEOUS ARMY " 132

IX. WITH THE REBELS 153

X. THE LAST DAYS OF THE KOREAN EMPIRE 171
XL " I WILL WHIP You WITH SCORPIONS " . 182

XII. THE MISSIONARIES 204

XIII. TORTURE A LA MODE . . . .218

XIV. THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT . . 239

XV. THE PEOPLE SPEAK THE TYRANTS

ANSWER 251

XVI. THE REIGN OF TERROR IN PYENG-YANG . 276

XVII. GIRL MARTYRS FOR LIBERTY . . . 290

XVIII. WORLD REACTIONS 303

XIX. WHAT CAN WE Do? , . .315

OPENING THE OYSTER

UP to the last quarter of the nineteenth cen-
tury, Korea refused all intercourse with
foreign nations. Peaceful ships that ap-
proached its uncharted and unlit shores were fired
upon. Its only land approach, from the north,
was bounded by an almost inaccessible mountain
and forest region, and by a devastated " No Man's
Land," infested by bandits and river pirates.
When outside Governments made friendly ap-
proaches, and offered to show Korea the wonders
of modern civilization, they received the haughty
reply that Korea was quite satisfied with its own
civilization, which had endured for four thousand
years.

Even Korea, however, could not keep the world
entirely in the dark about it. Chinese sources told
something of its history. Its people were the
descendants of Ki-tzse, a famous Chinese sage and
statesman who, eleven hundred years before Christ,
moved with his tribesmen over the river Yalu be-
cause he would not recognize or submit to a new
dynasty that had usurped power in China. His
followers doubtless absorbed and were influenced
by still older settlers in Korea, The result was a

16 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

people with strong national characteristics, differ-
ent and distinct from the Chinese on the one side
and the Japanese on the other.

We knew that, as Korea obtained much of its
early knowledge from China, so it gave the younger
nation of Japan its learning and industries. Its
people reached a high stage of culture, and all
records indicate that in the days when the early
Briton painted himself with woad and when Rome
was at her prime, Korea was a powerful, orderly
and civilized kingdom. Unhappily it was placed as
a buffer between two states, China, ready to absorb
it, and Japan, keen to conquer its people as a pre-
liminary to triumph over China.

In the course of centuries, it became an inbred
tradition with the Japanese that they must seize
Korea. Hideyoshi, the famous Japanese Regent,
made a tremendous effort in 1582. Three hundred
thousand troops swept over Korea, capturing city
after city, and driving the Korean forces to the
north. Korea appealed to China for aid, and after
terrible fighting, the Japanese were driven back.
They left a Korea in ruins, carrying off everything 1
they could, and destroying all they could not carry
off. They kidnapped, among others, the skilled
workmen of Korea, and made them remain in Japan
and carry on their industries there.

Hideyoshi's invasion is of more than historic in-
terest Korea has never recovered the damage
then done. The Japanese desire for Korea,
thwarted for the moment, smouldered, waiting for

OPENING THE OYSTER 17

the moment to burst afresh into flame. The mem-
ories of their terrible sufferings at the hands of the
Japanese ground into the Koreans a hatred of their
neighbour, handed down undiminished from gen-
eration to generation, to this day.

Korea might have recovered, but for another and
even more serious handicap. A new dynasty, the
House of Yi, succeeded to the Korean throne over
five centuries ago, and established a rule fatal to all
progress. The King was everything, and the
nation lived solely for him. No man was allowed
to become too rich or powerful. There must be
no great nobles to come together and oppose these
kings as the Norman Barons fought and checked
the Norman Kings of England.

No man was allowed to build a house beyond a
certain size, save the King, The only way to
wealth or power was by enlisting in the King's
service. The King's governors were free to plunder
as they would, and even the village magistrate,
representing the King, could freely work his will
on those under him. The King had his eyes every-
where. His spies were all over the land. Let
yang-ban (official or noble) however high show
unhealthy ambition or seek to conceal anything
from the royal knowledge and he would be called
to Court and broken in an hour, and would count
himself fortunate if he escaped with his life.

The Korean people are eminently pacific. Up to
a point, they endure hard things uncomplainingly.
It would have been better for them had they not

18 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

suffered wrongs so tamely. The Yi method of
government killed ambition except for the King's
service killed enterprise and killed progress. The
aim of the business man and the farmer was to
escape notice and live quietly.

Foreigners attempted, time after time, to make
their way into the country. French Catholic
priests, as far back as the end of the eighteenth
century, smuggled themselves in. Despite torture
and death, they kept on, until the great persecution
of 1866 wiped them and their converts out. This
persecution arose because of fear of foreign aggres-
sion.

A Russian war vessel appeared off Broughton's
Bay, demanding on behalf of Russians the right of
commerce. The King at this time was a minor,
adopted by the late King. His father, the Tai Won
Kun, or Regent, ruled in his stead. He was a man
of great force of character and no scruples. He slew
in wholesale fashion those who dared oppose him.
He had the idea that the Christians favoured the
coming of the foreigner and so he turned his wrath
on them. The native Catholics were wiped out,
under every possible circumstance of brutality, and
with them perished a number of French Catholic
priests. By one of those contradictions which are
Constantly happening in real life, the crew of an
American steamer, the Surprise, who were wrecked
off the coast of Whang-hai that year were treated
with all possible honour and consideration, and
were returned home, through Manchuria, officials

OPENING THE OYSTER 19

conducting them and the people coming out to
greet them as they travelled through the land.

The French Minister at Peking determined on
revenge for the death of the priests. A strong ex-
pedition was sent to the Han River, and attacked
the forts on the Kangwha Island. The Korean
troops met them bravely, and although the French
obtained a temporary success, thanks to their
modern weapons, they were in the end forced to
retire.

An American ship, the General Sherman, set out
for Korea in 1866, sailing from Tientsin for the
purpose, it was rumoured, of plundering the royal
tombs at Pyeng-yang. It entered the Tai-tong
iRiver, where it was ordered to stop. A fight
opened between it and the Koreans, the latter in
their dragon cloud armour, supposed to be im-
pervious to bullets, sending their fire arrows against
the invaders. The captain, not knowing the
soundings of the river, ran his ship ashore. The
Koreans sent fire boats drifting down the river to-
wards the American ship. One of them set the
General Sherman in flames. Those of the crew who
were not burned on the spot were soon slaughtered
by the triumphant Korean soldiers. A more dis-
reputable expedition, headed by a German Jew,
Ernest Oppert and an American called Jenkins, left
Shanghai in the following year, with a strong fight-
ing crew of Chinese and Malays, and with a French
missionary priest, M. Feron, as guide. They
landed, and actually succeeded in reaching the royal

20 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

tombs near the capital. Their shovels were use-
less, however, to remove the immense stones over
the graves. A heavy fog enabled them to carry on
their work for a time undisturbed. Soon an angry
crowd gathered, and they had to return to their
ship, the China. They were fortunate to escape
before the Korean troops came up. The American
consular authorities in Shanghai placed Jenkins on
trial, but there was not enough evidence to convict
him.

The killing of the crew of the General Sherman
brought the American Government into action.
Captain Shufeldt, commander of the Wachnssct,
was ordered to go to Korea and obtain redress.
He reached the mouth of the Han River, and sent a
message to the King, asking an explanation of the
matter. He had to retire, owing to weather con-
ditions, before the reply arrived. The Korean
reply, when eventually delivered, was in effect a
plea of justification. The Americans, however,
determined to inflict punishment, and a fleet was
sent to destroy the forts on the Han River.

The American ships, the Monacacy and the Palos
bombarded the forts. The Korean brass guns, of
one and one-half inch bore, and their thirty pound-
ers, could do nothing against the American
howitzers, throwing eight and ten inch shells. The
American Marines and sailors landed, and in cap-
turing a hill fort, had a short, hot hand-to-hand
battle with the defenders. The Koreans fought
desperately, picking up handfuls of dust to fling in

OPENING THE OYSTER 21

the eyes of the Americans when they had nothing
else to fight with. Refusing to surrender they were
wiped out. Having destroyed the forts and killed
a number of the soldiers, there was nothing for the
Americans to do but to retire. The " gobs " were
the first to admit the real courage of the Korean
soldiers.

Japan, which herself after considerable internal
trouble, had accepted the coming of the Westerner
as inevitable, tried on several occasions to renew
relations with Korea. At first she was repulsed.
In 18YG a Japanese ship, approaching the Korean
coast, was fired on, as the Japanese a generation
before had fired on foreign ships approaching their
shore. There was a furious demand all over the
country for revenge. Ito and other leaders with
cool heads resisted the demand, but took such steps
that Korea was compelled to conclude a treaty
opening several ports to Japanese trade and giving
Japan the right to send a minister to Seoul, the
capital. The first clause of the first article of the
treaty was in itself a warning of future trouble.
" Chosen (Korea) being an independent state
enjoys the same sovereign rights as does Japan/'
In other words Korea was virtually made to disown
the slight Chinese protectorate which had been ex-
ercised for centuries.

The Chinese statesmen in Peking watched this
undisturbed. They despised the Japanese too
much to fear them, little dreaming that this small
nation was within less than twenty years to humble

22 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

them in the dust. Their real fear at this time was
not Japan but Russia. Russia was stretching forth
throughout Asia, and it looked as though she would
try to seize Korea itself. And so Li Hung-chang
advised the Korean rulers to guard themselves.
" You must open your doors to other nations in
order to keep out Russia/' he told them. At the
same time it was intimated to Ministers in Peking,
particularly to the American Minister, that if he
would approach the Koreans, they would be willing
to listen. Commodore Shufeldt was made Ameri-
can Envoy, and an American- Korean Treaty was
signed at Gensan on May 22, 1882. It was, truth
to tell, a somewhat amateurish production, and had
to be amended before it was finally ratified. It
provided for the appointment of diplomatic and
Consular officials, and for the opening of the
country to commerce. A treaty with Britain was
concluded in the following year, and other nations
followed.

One clause in the American Treaty was after-
wards regarded by the Korean ruler as the sheet
anchor of his safety, until storm came and it was
found that the sheet anchor did not hold.

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship betweea
the President of the Unite3 States and the King of Chosen
and the citizens and subjects of their respective Govern-
ments. If other powers deal unjustly or oppressively
with either Government, the other will exert their good
offices, on being informed of the case, to bring about an
amicable arrangement, thus showing their friendly feel-
ings.

OPENING THE OYSTEB 23

All of the treaties provided for extra-territoriality
in Korea, that is to say that the foreigners charged
with any offence there should be tried not by the Ko-
rean Courts but by their own, and punished by them.

Groups of adventurous foreigners soon entered
the country. Foreign ministers and their staffs
arrived first. Missionaries, concession hunters,
traders and commercial travellers followed.

They found Seoul, the capital, beautifully placed
in a valley surrounded by hills, a city of royal
palaces and one-storied, mud-walled houses, roofed
with thatch a city guarded by great walls. States-
men and nobles and generals, always surrounded
by numerous retinues in glorious attire, ambled
through the narrow streets in dignified procession,
Closed palanquins, carried by sturdy bearers, bore
yet other dignitaries.

The life of the city revolved round the King's
Court, with its four thousand retainers, eunuchs,
sorcerers, blind diviners, politicians and place hunt-
ers. The most prominent industry outside of
politics was the making of brass ware, particu-
larly of making fine brass mounted chests. The
average citizen dressed in long flowing white robes,
with a high, broad-brimmed, black gauze hat.
Hundreds of women were ever busy at the river
bank washing these white garments.

Women of good family remained at home, except
for one hour after dark, when the men retired from
the streets and the women came out Working
women went to and fro, with their faces shielded

24 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FKEBDOM

by green jackets thrown over their heads. Their
usual dress was a white skirt coming high up and
a very short jacket The breasts and the flesh
immediately below the breasts were often freely
displayed. Fishing and farming supported ninety
per cent, of the population, and the Korean farmer
was an expert. At sunset the gates of Seoul \vcrc
closed, and belated wayfarers refused admission
until morning. But there was no difficulty in
climbing over the city walls. That was typical
Signal fires at night on the hills proclaimed that
all was well.

The Koreans were mild, good naturcd, and full
of contradictory characteristics. Despite their
usual good nature, they were capable of great
bursts of passion, particularly over public affairs.
They often looked dirty, because their white
clothes soiled easily; yet they probably spent more
time and money over external cleanliness than any
other Asiatic people. At first, they gave an im-
pression of laziness. The visitor would note them
sleeping in the streets of the cities at noon. But
Europeans soon found that Korean labourers
properly handled, were capable of great effort.
And young men of the cultured classes amazed
their foreign teachers by the quickness with which
they absorbed Western learning.

The land was torn, at the time of the entry of the
foreigners, by the rivalry of two great families
the Yi's, the blood relatives of the King, and the
Mins, the family of the Queen. The ex-Regent

OPENING THE OYSTER "25

was leader of the Yi's. He had exercised absolute
power for many years during the King's minority,
and attempted to retain power even after he ceased
to be Regent But he reckoned without the Queen.
She was as ambitious as the Regent. The birth of a
son greatly improved and strengthened her author-
ity, and she gradually edged the Regent's party
out of high office. Her brother, Min Yettng-ho,
became Prime Minister; her nephew, Min Yung-ik,
was sent as Ambassador to the United States. The
Regent was anti-foreign ; the Queen advocated the
admission of foreigners. The Regent tried to
strengthen his hold by a very vigorous policy of
murder, attempting the death of the Queen and her
relatives. One little incident was an effort to blow
up the Queen. But Queen Min was triumphant
every time. The King, usually weak and easily
moved, really loved the Queen, refused to be in-
fluenced away from her, and was dominated by her
strong character.

In the summer of 1881 there was a famine in the
'land. The Regent's agents were busy every-
where whispering that the spirits were angry with
the nation for admitting the foreigner, and that
Queen Min had brought the wrath of the gods on
them. The National Treasury failed, and many
of the King's soldiers and retainers were ready for
any trouble. A great mob gathered in the streets.
It first attacked and murdered the King's Minis-
ters, and destroyed their houses. Then it turned
against the King's palace.

26 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FBBBDOM

Word came to the Queen's quarters that the
rioters were hammering at the gates and would
soon be on her. The palace guards had weakened,
and some had even joined the people. Queen Min
was calm and collected. She quickly changed
clothes with one of her serving women, who some-
what resembled her in appearance. The serving
woman, dressed in the robes of the Queen, was
given a draught of poison and died.

The Queen hurried out through a side way, in
peasant woman's dress, guarded by a water carrier,
Yi Yung-ik, who for his services that day rose till
he finally became Prime Minister of the land.
When the crowd broke into the Queen's private
apartments, they were shown the corpse and told
that it was the Queen, who had died rather than
face them.

The crowd swept on and attacked the Japanese
Legation. The Minister, Hanabusa, and his guard,
with all the civilians who could reach the place
the rest were murdered fought bravely, keeping
the mob back until the Legation building was set
afire. Then they battled their way through the
city to the coast. The survivors twenty-six out
of forty set to sea in a junk. They were picked
up at sea by a British survey ship, the Flying Fish,
and conveyed to Nagasaki.

There was, naturally, intense anger in Japan over
this incident, and loud demands for war. A little
more than three weeks after, Hanabusa returned
to Seoul with a strong military escort He de-

OPEOTNG THE OYSTER 27

manded and obtained punishment of the murderers,
the honourable burial of the Japanese dead, an
indemnity of 400,000 yen, and further privileges in
trade for the Japanese.

Meanwhile China, Korea's usually apathetic
suzerain power, took action. Li Hung-chang sent
4,000 troops to Seoul to maintain order. The
Regent, now humble and conciliatory, attempted to
put blame for the outbreak on others. But that
did not save him. The Chinese, with elaborate
courtesy, invited him to a banquet and to inspect
their ships. There was one ship, in particular, to
which they called his honourable attention. They
begged him to go aboard and note the wonders of
the apartments below. The Regent went. Once
below, he found the door shut, and could hear the
ropes being thrown off as the ship hastily departed.
It was in vain for him to call for his attendants
and warriors waiting on the shore.

They took him to China, and Li Hung-chang
sent him into imprisonment and exile for three
years,* until it was deemed safe to allow him to
return.

II

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE

FOR hundreds of years it was the ambition of
Japan to replace China as the Protector of
Korea. It was the more mortifying, there-
fore, that the Hanabusa incident served to
strengthen China's authority. It gave Peking an
excuse to despatch and maintain a considerable
force at Seoul, for the first time for hundreds of
years.

The Japanese tried to turn the affair to their ad-
vantage by demanding still more concessions. The
Korean rulers found it hard to refuse these de-
termined little men. So they adopted a policy of
procrastination, arguing endlessly. Now Japan
was in a hurry, and could not wait.

The Japanese Minister at Seoul at this time was
Takezoi, timid and hesitating constitutionally,
but, like many timid folk, acting at times with great
rashness. Under him was a subordinate of stronger
and rougher type, Shtimamura, Secretary to the
Legation. Shttmamura kept in touch with a group
of Cabinet Ministers who had been to Japan and
regarded Japan as their model. They mourned to-
gether over the growth of Chinese power, and

28

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 29

agreed that it was threatening the independence of
the country. They repeated the rumour that a
secret treaty had actually been signed by the King,
recognizing Chinese supremacy in more binding
form than ever before. They felt that the Queen
was against them. Her nephew, Min Yung-ik, had
been on their side when he returned from America.
Now, under her influence, he had taken the other
side.

Kim Ok-kittn, leader of the malcontents, was an
ambitious and restless politician, eager to have the
control of money. One of his chief supporters was
Pak Yung-hyo, relative of the King, twenty-three
years old, and a sincere reformer. Hong Yung-sik,
keen on foreign ways, was a third. He was hun-
gry for power. He was the new Postmaster Gen-
eral, and a building now being erected in Seoul for
a new post-office was to mark the entry of Korea
into the world's postal service. So Kwang-pom,
another Minister, was working with them.

Kim Ok-kiun and Shumamura had long confer-
ences. They discussed ways and means. The re-
formers were to overthrow the reactionaries in the
Cabinet by the only possible way, killing them ; they
were then in the King's name to grant Japan fur-
ther commercial concessions, and the Japanese
were to raise a considerable loan which should be
handed over to Kim for necessary purposes,

Takczoi was on a visit to Tokyo when his
deputy and the Korean came to an understanding.
They were rather anxious to have the whole thing

80 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

through before his return, for they knew, as every
one knew, that Takezoi was not the best man for
a crisis. But when the Minister returned from
Tokyo there was none so bold as he. He boasted
to his friends that Japan had at last resolved to
make war on China, and that every Chinaman
would soon be driven out of the land. He received
Kim and heard of his plans with satisfaction.
There would be no trouble about money. A few
Japanese in Seoul itself would arrange all that was
necessary. Let the thing be done quickly.

It had been customary for the Legations only to
drill their soldiers in daytime, and to inform the
Government before they were taken out to public
places. But one night Takezoi had his Japanese
troops turned out, marched up the great hill,
Namzan, commanding the city, and drilled there.
When asked why he did it, he cheerfully replied
that he had just made an experiment to see how
far he could startle the Chinese and Koreans; and
he was quite satisfied with the result

He sought an interview with the King. He had
brought back the 400,000 yen which Japan had
exacted as indemnity for the Hanabusa outrage.
Japan desired Korea's friendship, he declared, not
her money. He also brought a stand of Japanese-
made rifles, a gift from the Emperor to the King,
and a very significant gift, too. The Minister urged
on the King the helpless condition of China, and the
futility of expecting assistance from her, and
begged the King to take up a bold position, an-

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 31

notmce Korea's independence and dare China's
wrath. The King listened, but made no pledges.

Kim and the Japanese Secretary called in their
allies, to discuss how to strike. One scheme pro-
posed was that they should send two men, dis-
guised as Chinese, to kill two of the Ministers they
had marked as their victims. Then they would
charge the other Ministers with the deed and kill
them. Thus they would get rid of all their enemies
at a blow. A second plan was that Kim should in-
vite the Ministers to the fine new house he had
built, should entertain them and then kill them.
Unfortunately for Kim, the Ministers were not
willing to come to his house. He had invited them
all to a grand banquet shortly before, and only a
few had accepted.

" Make haste ! " urged Shumamura. " Japan is
ready for anything." At last some one hit on a
happy scheme. Twenty-two young Koreans had
been sent to Japan to learn modern military ways,
and had studied at the Toyama Military School at
Tokyo. Returning home, they had given an ex-
hibition of their physical drill and fencing before
the King, who was as delighted with them as a
child with a new toy. He had declared that he
would have all his army trained this way. The
leader of the students, So Jai-pil, nephew of one of
the King's favourite generals, was made a Colonel
of the Palace Guard, although only seventeen years
old. But despite the King, the old military leaders,
whose one idea of martial ardour was to be carried

32 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEBEDOM

around from one point to another surrounded with
bearers and warriors who made a loud noise to
impress the crowd, shuddered at the idea of reform,
and managed to block it The students were kick-
ing their heels idly around the palace. Here were
the very lads for the job. Appeal to their patriot-
ism. Let them do the killing, and their seniors
take the glory. And so it was decided.

The Japanese were talking so boastingly that it
would be surprising if the Chinese had learned
nothing. At the head of the Chinese troops was
Yuan Shih-kai, afterwards to prove himself the
strongest man in the Middle Kingdom and to over-
throw the Manchu dynasty. He said nothing, but
it does not follow that he did nothing. At a dinner
given to the Foreign Representatives, the Inter-
preter to the Japanese Legation delivered a speech
in Korean on the shameless unscrupulousness and
cowardice of the Chinese. He even went so far as
to call them " sea slugs," giving a malicious glance
at the Chinese Consul-General while he spoke.
The Chinese official did not know Korean, but he
could understand enough of the speech to folloxv its
import

The plans were now complete. Every victim
had two assassins assigned to him. The occasion
was to be the opening of the new post-office, when
Hong Yung-sik would give an official banquet to
which all must come. During the dinner, the de-
tached palace was to be set on fire, a call was to be
raised that the King was in danger, and the re-

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 33

actionary Ministers were to be killed as they rushed
to his help. Two of the students were appointed
sentries, two were to set fire to the palace, one
group was to wait at the Golden Gate for other
members of the Government who tried to escape
that way. Four young Japanese, including one
from the Legation, were to act as a reserve guard,
to complete the killing in case the Koreans failed.
The Commander of the Palace Guard, a strong
sympathizer, posted his men in such a way as to
give the conspirators a free hand. The Japanese
Minister promised that his soldiers would be ready
to cooperate at the right time.

On the afternoon of December 4th, the Japanese
Legation people busied themselves with fetching
ammunition and provisions from the barracks. In
the afternoon a detachment of soldiers came over.
They knew that the deed was to be done that night.

The dinner was held, according to plan. It was
a singularly harmonious gathering up to a point.
Many were the jokes and pointed was the wit
The gesang (geisha), spurred by the merriment of
their lords, did more than ever to amuse the guests.
The drink was not stinted.

Then there came a call of "Fire!" It was the
duty of Min Yung-ik, as General Commanding the
right Guard Regiment, to keep the custody of the
fire apparatus. Deploring his rough luck in being
called to duty at such a time, he left the hall and,
surrounded by his braves and attendants, who were
waiting for him in the anteroom, made his way to

34 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

his yungmun, or official residence. When he was
near the post-office five young men, armed with
sharp swords, suddenly broke through his guard,
killed one of the soldiers and attacked the Minister.
" He received seven sword slashes, all great ones,
two all but taking his head off," wrote a contem-
porary chronicler. He staggered back into the
banqueting hall, blood pouring from him. There
was at once great confusion. The Ministers not
in the plot, fearing that some ill was intended
against them, threw away their hats of state, turned
their coats, and concealed themselves amongst their
coolies. Fortunately for Min, just as the palace
doctors were about to attempt to stop his wounds
by pouring boiling wax on them, a modern surgeon
came hurrying up. He was Dr. Allen, an Amer-
ican Presbyterian missionary, the first to arrive In
Korea. He did such good work on his patient that
night that King and Court became friends of the
missionaries for ever on.

Leaving the banqueting hall, Pak Yung-kyo and
his companions at once hurried to the palace, in-
formed the King that a Great Event had happened,
and told him that he and the Queen must go with
them for their safety. They took him to the Tax
Palace, near at hand. Here they were at once sur-
rounded by the Japanese troops, by the students,
and some 800 Korean soldiers, under General Han
Kiu-chik, who commanded one of the four regi-
ments of the Palace Guard,

The King and Queen were of course accom*

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOYE 35

panied by their own attendants. The Chief Eunuch,
who was among them, took General Han on one
side. "This is a very serious matter/' he urged.
" Let us send for General Yuan and the Chinese/ 1
General Han apparently weakened and agreed.
There was no weakening on the part of the stu-
dents. The Chief Eunuch and the General were
" one by one withdrawn from the King's presence "
and when outside were promptly despatched.
Then the King was bidden to write notes to his
chief anti-Progressive Ministers, summoning them
to his presence. As they arrived, "one by one,
each in his turn, was despatched by the students
and his body thrown aside."

The King called for the Japanese Minister. At
first he would not come. Finally he appeared.
He had arranged that most of the work was to be
done without his presence, in order to avoid diplo-
matic trouble. A number of edicts had been drawn
up which the King was obliged to sign. All kinds
of reforms were commanded, and the land was
made on paper, in an hour, into a modern state.
The reformers did not forget their own interests.
Hong Yung-sik, the Postmaster General, was made
Prime Minister, Kim Ok-kiun was made second
officer of the Royal Treasury, and the lad So Jai-pil,
on whom the chief command of the students and
Korean soldiers now devolved, was made General
Commanding a Guard Regiment.

In answer to his urgent entreaties, the King
was allowed next morning to return to his palace,

36 KOREANS FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

the Japanese and the Progressives accompanying
him. It was soon clear, even to the reformers, that
they had gone too far. As news of the affair be-
came known, the people made their sentiments felt
in unmistakable fashion. Odd Japanese in the
streets were killed, others made their way to the
Legation and shut themselves in there, while the
Japanese Minister and the Progressives were
hemmed in the palace by an angry mob.

They were short of ammunition. The Japanese
had twenty-five rounds a man, the twenty-two
students had fifteen rounds apiece, and the eight
hundred Korean soldiers either had none or
destroyed what they had. There was plenty in the
Legation but the mob barred the way. General So
Jai-pil (to give him his new title) was on the move
day and night, going from outpost to outpost,
threatening and encouraging weaklings, and ar-
ranging and inspiring his men.

The affair started on the evening of December
4th ; the reformers remained in the palace until the
afternoon of December 7th. Then General Yuan
Shih-kai, the Chinese leader, approached the palace
gates and sent in his card, demanding admission.
The Queen had already smuggled a message out to
him begging his aid. The Japanese soldiers on
guard refused to allow him to enter. He gave
warning that he would attack. He had 2,000
Chinese troops and behind them were fully 3000
Korean soldiers and the mass of the population.

Takezoi weakened. He did not want to risk an

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 37

engagement with the Chinese, and he declared that
he would withdraw his Guard, and take them back
to his Legation. Young General So drew his
sword threateningly, and told him that they must
stay and see it through. The Japanese captain in
command of tlie troops was as eager for a fight as
was So, and the Minister was for the time over-
ruled,

A great fight followed. The Chinese sought to
outflank the reformers, and to force an entry by
climbing over the walls. One of the personal at-
tendants of the King suddenly attacked the new
Premier, Hong Yung-sik, and slew him. The
Korean soldiers seemed to disappear from the scene
as soon as the real fighting started, but the students
and the Japanese did valiantly. They claimed that
they shot fully three hundred Chinese. The great
gate of the palace still held, in spite of all attacks.
But the ammunition of the defenders had at last all
gone.

" Let us charge the Chinese with our bayonets,"
cried So. The Japanese captain joyfully assented.
But Takezoi now asserted his authority. He pulled
from his pocket his Imperial warrants giving him
supreme command of the Japanese in Korea and
read them to the captain. "The Emperor has
placed you under my command," he declared.
" Refuse to obey me and you refuse to obey your
Emperor. I command you to call your men to-
gether and let us all make our way back to the
Legation/* t There was nothing to do but obey.

38 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

While the Chinese were still hammering at tlie
front gate, the Japanese and reformers crept quietly
around by the back wall towards the Legation.
The people in the building, hearing this mass of
men approach in the dark, unlit street, thought that
they were the enemy, and opened fire on them. A
Japanese sergeant and an interpreter were shot
down on either side of General So. Not until a
bugle was sounded did the Japanese inside the
building recognize their friends. The party
staggered in behind the barricades worn out. So,
who had not closed his eyes for four days, dropped
to the ground exhausted and slept.

He did not awake until the next afternoon. He
heard a voice calling him, and started up to find that
the Japanese were already leaving. They had re-
solved to fight their way to the sea. " I do not
know who it was called me," said So, afterwards.
" Certainly it was none of the men in the Legation.
I sometimes believe that it must have been a voice
from the other world/' Had he wakened five
minutes later, the mob would have caught him and
torn him to bits.

The Japanese blew up a mine, and, with women
and children in the centre, flung themselves into
the maelstrom of the howling mob. The people of
Seoul were ready for them. They had already
burned the houses of the Progressive statesmen,
Kim, Pak, So and Hong. They tried, time after
time, to rush the Japanese circle. The escaping
party marched all through the night, fighting as it

JAPAN MAKES A FALSE MOVE 39

marched. At one point it had to pass near a
Chinese camp. A cannon opened fire on it. At
Chemulpo, the coast port twenty-seven miles from
Seoul, it found a small Japanese mail steamer, the
Chidose Maru. The Koreans who had escaped with
the party were hidden. Before the Chidose could
sail a deputation from the King arrived, disclaim-
ing all enmity against the Japanese, but demanding
the surrender of the Koreans. Takezoi seemed to
hesitate, and the reformers feared for the moment
that he was about to surrender them. But the
pockmarked captain of the Chidose drove the
deputation from the side of his ship, in none too
friendly fashion, and steamed away.

The reformers landed in Japan, expecting that
they would be received like heroes, and that they
would return with a strong army to fight the
Chinese. They did not realize that the revolu-
tionist who fails must look for no sympathy or aid.

The Japanese Foreign Minister at first refused
even to see them. When at last they secured an
audience, he told them bluntly that Japan was not
going to war with China over the matter. " We
are not ready yet," said he. He then demanded of
the reformers what they were going to do with
themselves. This was too much for So Jai-pil.
His seniors tried to restrain him, but in vain.
" What way is this for Samurai to treat Samurai? "
he hotly demanded. " We trusted you, and now you
betray and forsake us. I have had enough of you.
I am going to a new world, where men stand by

40 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

their bonds and deal fairly with one another. I
shall go to America."

A few weeks later he landed in San Francisco,
penniless. He knew scarcely any English. He
sought work. His first job was to deliver circulars
from door to door, and for this he was paid three
dollars a day. He attended churches and meetings
to learn how to pronounce the English tongue. He
saved money enough to enter college, and gradu-
ated with honours. He became an American citi-
zen, taking a new form of his name, Philip Jaisohn.
He joined the United States Civil Service and in
due course was made a doctor of medicine by Johns
Hopkins University. He acquired a practice at
Washington, and was lecturer for two medical
schools. Later on, he was recalled to his native
land.

The Korean reformers themselves saw, later on,
the folly of their attempt. " We were very young/*
they say. They were the tools of the Japanese
Minister, and they had inherited a tradition of
political life which made revolt seem the natural
weapon by which to overthrow your enemies.
They learned wisdom in exile, and some of them
were subsequently to reach high rank in theJr coun-
try's service.

There is a sequel to this story. The King and
the Court regarded Kim Ok-kiun as the unpardon-
able offender. Other men might be forgiven, for
after all attempted revolts were no novelties. But
there was to be no forgiveness for Kim*

JAPAIJT MAKES A FALSE MOVE 41

A price was put on his head. Assassins followed
him to Japan, but could find no opportunity to till
him. Then a plot was planned and he was induced
to visit Shanghai. He had taken great pains to con-
ceal his visit, but everything had been arranged
ahead for him. Arriving at Shanghai he was
promptly slain, and his body was carried in a
Chinese war-ship to Chemulpo. It was cut up,
and exhibited in different parts of the land as the
body of a traitor. The mortified Japanese could
do nothing at the time.

Years passed. The Japanese now had control of
Korea. One of the last things they did, in 1910,
before contemptuously pushing the old Korean
Government into limbo, was to make it issue an
Imperial rescript, restoring Kim Ok-kiun, Hong
Yung-sik and others although long dead to their
offices and honours, and doing reverence to their
memory/

1 Curiosity may be felt about my authority for many of the
particulars supplied in this chapter. Accounts published by
foreigners living at Seoul at the time are of use as giving
current impressions, but are not wholly to be relied on for
details. A very interesting official report, based on informa-
tion supplied by the King, is to be found in the unpublished
papers of I/ieutenant George C. Foulk, U. S. Naval Attache at
Seoul, which are stored in the New York Public Library. A
valuable account from the Japanese point of view was found
among the posthumous papers of Mr. Fukuzawa (in whose
house several of the exiles lived for a time) and was published
in part in the Japanese press in 1910. I learned the con-
spirators' side directly from one of the leading actors in
the drama.

Ill

THE MURDER OF THE QUEEN

W

41 ^ "1J* ^E are not ready to fight China yet," said
the Japanese Foreign Minister to the
impetuous young Korean. It was ten
years later before Japan was ready, ten years of
steady preparation, and during that time the real
focus of the Far Eastern drama was not Tokyo
nor Peking, but Seoul. Here the Chinese and
Japanese outposts were in contact. Here Japan
when she was ready created her cause of war.

China despised Japan, and did not think it neces-
sary to make any real preparations to meet her.
The great majority of European experts and of
European and American residents in the Far East
were convinced that if it came to an actual con-
test, Japan would stand no chance. She might
score some initial victories, but in the end the
greater weight, numbers and staying power of her
monster opponent must overwhelm her.

The development of Korea proceeded slowly.
It seemed as though there were some powerful
force behind all the efforts of more enlightened
Koreans to prevent effective reforms from being
carried out. The Japanese were, as was natural,
the most numerous settlers in the land, and their

42

THE MTJBDER OP THE QUEEN" 43

conduct did not win them the popular affection.
Takezoi's disastrous venture inflicted for a time
a heavy blow on Japanese prestige. The Japanese
dead lay unburied in the streets for the dogs to eat
China was momentarily supreme. "The whole
mass of the people are violently pro-Chinese in their
sentiments/' the American representative stated in
a private despatch to his Government, " and so
violently anti-Japanese that it is impossible to ob-
tain other than a volume of execrations and
vituperations against them when questioned." A
semi-official Japanese statement that their Minister
and his troops had gone to the palace at the King's
request, to defend him, made the matter rather
worse.

The affair would have been more quickly for-
gotten but for the overbearing attitude of Japanese
settlers towards the Korean people, and of Japa-
nese Ministers towards the Korean Government
Officially they advanced claims so unjust that they
aroused the protest of other foreigners. The atti-
tude of the Japanese settlers was summed up by
Lord (then the Hon. G. N.) Curzon, the famous
British statesman, after a visit in the early nineties.
" The race hatred between Koreans and Japanese,"
he wrote, "is the most striking phenomenon in
contemporary Chosen. Civil and obliging in their
own country, the Japanese develop in Korea a
faculty for bullying and bluster that is the result
partly of nation vanity, partly of memories of the
past The lower orders ill-treat the Koreans on

44 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

every possible opportunity, and are cordially de-
tested by them in return." *

The old Regent returned from China in 1885, to
find his power largely gone, at least so far as the
Court was concerned. But he still had friends and
adherents scattered all over the country. Furious
with the Chinese for his arrest and imprisonment,
he threw himself into the arms of the Japanese.
They found in him a very useful instrument

Korea has for centuries been a land of secret
societies. A new society now sprang up, and
spread with amazing rapidity, the Tong-haks. It
was anti-foreign and anti-Christian, and Europeans
were at first inclined to regard it in the same light
as Europeans in China later on regarded the
Boxers. But looking back at it to-day it is im-
possible to deny that there was much honest patriot-
ism behind the movement. It was not unnatural
that a new departure, such as the introduction of
Europeans and European civilization should arouse
some ferment In a sense, it would not have been
healthy if it had not done so. The people who
would accept a vital revolution in their life and
ways without critical examination would not be
worth much.

Few of the Tong-haks had any idea that their
movement was being organized under Japanese in-
fluences. It did not suit Japan that Korea should
develop independently and too rapidly. Disturb-
ances would help to keep her back.

"Problems of the Far East, 1 ' lyondon, 1894.

THE MUBDEE OF THE QUEEN 45

When the moment was ripe, Japan set her
puppets to work. The Tong-haks were suddenly
found to be possessed of arms, and some of their
units were trained and showed remarkable military
efficiency. Their avowed purpose was to drive all
foreigners, including the Japanese, out of the coun-
try; but this was mere camouflage. The real pur-
pose was to provoke China to send troops to Korea,
and so give Japan an excuse for war.

The Japanese had secured an agreement from
China in 1885 that both countries should withdraw
their troops from Korea and should send no more
there without informing and giving notice to the
other. When the Tong-haks, thirty thousand in
number, came within a hundred miles of Seoul, and
actually defeated a small Korean force led by Chi-
nese, Yuan Shih-kai saw that something must be
done. If the rebels were allowed to reach and
capture the capital, Japan would have an excuse
for intervention. He induced the King to ask for
Chinese troops to come and put down the uprising;
and as required by the regulations, due notice of
their^ coming was sent to Japan.

This was what Japan wanted. She poured
troops over the channel until there were 10,000 in
the capital. Then she showed her hand. The
Japanese Minister, Mr. Otori, brusquely demanded
of the King that he should renounce Chinese
suzerainty. The Koreans tried evasion. The
Japanese pressed their point, and further demanded
wholesale concessions, railway rights and a

46 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

monopoly of gold mining in Korea. A few days"
later, confident that Europe would not intervene,
they commanded the King to accept their demands
unconditionally, and to give the Chinese troops
three days' notice to withdraw from the land. The
King refused to do anything while the Japanese
troops menaced his capital.

The declaration of war between Japan and China
followed. The first incident was the blowing tip by
the Japanese of a Chinese transport carrying 1,200
men to Korea, The main naval battle was in the
Yalu, between Korea and Manchuria, and the main
land fight, in which the Chinese Army was des-
troyed, in Pyeng-yang, the main Korean city to the
north. The war began on July 25, 1894; the
Treaty of Peace, which made Japan the supreme
power in the Extreme East, was signed at Shimo-
noseki on April 17, 1895.

Before fighting actually began, the Japanese took
possession of Seoul, and seized the palace on some
trumpery excuse that Korean soldiers had fired on
them and they had therefore been obliged to enter
and guard the royal apartments. They wanted to
make their old friend and ally the ex-Regent, the
actual ruler, as he had been in the King's minority,
but he did not care to take responsibility. Japa-
nese soldiers turned the King out of his best rooms
and occupied them themselves. Any hole was
good enough for the King. Finally they compelled
the King to yield and follow their directions. A
new treaty was drawn up and signed. It provided :

THE MTJEDEE OF THE QUEEN 47

1. That the independence of Korea was de-
clared, confirmed, and established, and in keeping
with it the Chinese troops were to be driven out of
the country.

2. That while war against China was being car-
ried on by Japan, Korea was to facilitate the move-
ments and to help in the food supplies of the Japa-
nese troops in every possible way.

3. That this treaty should only last until the
conclusion of peace with China.

Japan at once created an assembly, in the name
of the King, for the "discussion of everything,
great and small, that happened within the realm."
This assembly at first met daily, and afterwards at
longer intervals. There were soon no less than
fifty Japanese advisers at work in Seoul. They
were men of little experience and less responsibility,
and they apparently thought that they were going
to transform the land between the rising and setting
of the sun. They produced endless ordinances, and
scarce a day went by save that a number of new
regulations were issued, some trivial, some striking
at the oldest and most cherished institutions in the
country. The Government was changed from an
absolute monarchy to one where the King gov-
erned only by the advice of his Ministers. The
power of direct address to the throne was denied
to any one under the rank of Governor. One
ordinance created a constitution, and the next dealt
with the status of the ladies of the royal seraglio.
At one hour a proclamation went forth that all men

48 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

were to cut their hair, and the wearied runners on
their return were again despatched hot haste with
an edict altering the official language. Nothing
was too small, nothing too great, and nothing
too contradictory for these constitution-mongers.
Their doings were the laugh and the amazement
of every foreigner in the place.

Acting on the Japanese love of order and of de-
fined rank, exact titles of honour were provided for
the wives of officials. These were divided into nine
grades : " Pure and Reverend Lady," " Pure Lady,"
"Chaste Lady/' "Chaste Dame," "Worthy Dame,"
"Courteous Dame," "Just Dame," "Peaceful
Dame," and " Upright Dame." At the same time
the King's concubines were equally divided, but
here eight divisions were sufficient : " Mistress,"
" Noble Lady," " Resplendent Exemplar," " Chaste
Exemplar," " Resplendent Demeanour," " Chaste
Demeanour," " Resplendent Beauty," and ** Chaste
Beauty." The Japanese advisers instituted a num-
ber of sumptuary laws that stirred the country to its
depths, relating to the length of pipes, style of
dress, and the attiring of the hair of the people.
Pipes were to be short, in place of the long bamboo
churchwarden beloved by the Koreans. Sleeves
were to be clipped. The topknot, worn by all
Korean men, was at once to be cut off. Soldiers
at the city gates proceeded to enforce this last
regulation rigorously.

Japanese troops remained in the palace for a
month, and the King was badly treated during that

THE MTTEDER OP THE QUEEN 49

time. It did not suit the purpose of the Japanese
Government just then to destroy the old Korean
form of administration. It was doubtful how far
the European Powers would permit Japan to ex-
tend her territory, and so the Japanese decided to
allow Korea still to retain a nominal independence.
The King and his Ministers implored Mr. Otori to
withdraw his soldiers from the royal presence. Mr.
Otori agreed to do so, at a price, and his price was
the royal consent to a number of concessions that
would give Japan almost a monopoly of industry
in Korea. The Japanese guard marched out of the
palace on August 25th, and was replaced by Korean
soldiers armed with sticks. Later on the Korean
soldiers were permitted to carry muskets, but were
not served with any ammunition. Japanese troops
still retained possession of the palace gates and ad-
joining buildings.

Another movement took place at this time as the
result of Japanese supremacy. The Min family
the family of the Queen was driven from power
and the Mins, who a few months before held all the
important offices in the kingdom, were wiped out
of public life, so much so that there was not a
single Min in one of the new departments of state.

Victory did not improve the attitude of the Japa-
nese to the Koreans. While the war was on the
Japanese soldiers had shown very strict discipline,
save on certain unusual occasions. Now, however,
they walked as conquerors. The Japanese Gov-
ernment presented further demands to the King

50 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

that would have meant the entire trade of Korea
being monopolized by their countrymen. These
demands went so far that the foreign representa-
tives protested.

The new Japanese Minister, Count Inouye, pro-
tested publicly and privately against the violent
ways and rascalities of the new Japanese immi-
grants pouring into Korea. He denounced their
lack of cooperation, arrogance and extravagance.
" If the Japanese continue in their arrogance and
rudeness," he declared, "all respect and love due
to them will be lost and there will remain hatred
and enmity against them."

Several of the participants in the emeute of 1884
were brought back by the Japanese and Pak Yung-
hyo became Home Minister. He was very differ-
ent from the rash youth who had tried to promote
reform by murder eleven years before. He had a
moderate, sensible program, the reform and mod-
ernization of the army, the limitation of the powers
of the monarchy and the promotion of education
on Western lines. "What our people need," he
declared, " is education and Christianization." Un-
fortunately he fell under suspicion. The Queen
thought that his attempt to limit the power of the
King was a plot against the throne. He received
warning that his arrest had been ordered, and had
to flee the country.

Count Inouye ranks with Prince Ito as the two
best Japanese administrators sent to Korea. He
was followed, in September, 1895, by Viscount Gen-

THE MUEDEE OF THE QUEEN 51

eral Miura, an old soldier, a Buddhist of the Zen
school and an extreme ascetic.

The Queen continued to exercise her remarkable
influence over the King, who took her advice in
everything. She was the real ruler of the country.
What if her family was, for a time, in disgrace?
She quietly worked and brought them back in of-
fice again. Time after time she checked both the
Japanese Minister and the Regent.

The Japanese Secretary of Legation, Fukashi
Sugimura, had long since lost patience with the
Queen and urged on Miura that the best thing was
to get rid of her. Why should one woman be al-
lowed to stand between them and their purpose?
Every day she was interfering more and more in
the affairs of state. She was proposing to disband
a force of troops that had been created, the Kun-
rentai, and placed under Japanese officers. It was
reported that she was contemplating a scheme for
usurping all political power by degrading some and
killing other Cabinet Ministers favourable to
Japan. Miura agreed She was ungrateful. Dis-
order and confusion would be introduced into the
new Japanese organization for governing the coun-
try. She must be stopped.

While Miura was thinking in this fashion the
Regent came to see him. He proposed to break
into the palace, seize the King and assume real
power. As a result of their conversation, a con-
ference was held between the Japanese Minister
and his two leading officials, Sugimura and Oka-

62 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

moto. " The decision arrived at on that occasion,'*
states the report of the Japanese Court of Pre-
liminary Enquiries, " was that assistance should be
rendered to the Tai Won Kun's (Regent's) entry
into the palace by making use of the Kunrentai,
who, being hated by the Court, felt themselves in
danger, and of the young men who deeply lamented
the course of events, and also by causing the Japa-
nese troops stationed in Seoul to offer support to
the enterprise. It was further resolved that this
opportunity should be availed of for taking the life
of the Queen, who exercised overwhelming in-
fluence in the Court." *

The whole thing was to be done according to
system. The Regent was made to bind himself
down to the Japanese. A series of pledges was
drawn up by Sugimura, and handed to the Regent,
saying that this was what Miura expected of him.
He, his son and his grandson " gladly assented " to
the conditions and he wrote a letter guaranteeing
his good faith. The Japanese Minister then re-
solved to carry out the plan, i. e., the attack on the
palace and the murder of the Queen, by the middle
of the month. A statement by the Korean War
Minister that the disbandment of the Kunrentai
troops was approaching caused them to hurry their
plans. " It was now evident that the moment had
arrived, and that no more delay should be made.
Miura Goro and Fukashi Sttgimura consequently
determined to carry out the plot on the night of
'Japanese official report

THE MTJRDEK OF THE QUEEN" 53

that very day." * The Legation drew up a detailed
program of what was to happen, and orders were
issued to various people. Official directions were
given to the Commander of the Japanese battalion
in Seoul. Miura summoned some of the Japanese
and asked them to collect their friends and to act
as the Regent's body-guard when he entered the
palace. " Miura told them that on the success of
the enterprise depended the eradication of the evils
that had done so much mischief in the Kingdom for
the past twenty years, and instigated them to des-
patch the Queen when they entered the palace." 2
The head of the Japanese police force was ordered
to help; and policemen off duty were to put on
civilian dress, provide themselves with swords
and proceed to the rendezvous. Minor men,
" at the instigation of Miura, decided to murder
the Queen and took steps for collecting accom-
plices." 8

The party of Japanese met at the rendezvous, to
escort the Regent's palanquin. At the point of
departure Okamoto (one of the Japanese Minister's
two right-hand men) " assembled the whole party
outside the gate of the Prine's (Regent's) resi-
dence, declaring that on entering the palace the
'fox' should be dealt with according as exigency
might require, the obvious purpose of this declara-
tion being to instigate his followers to murder Her
Majesty the Queen." 4 The party proceeding to-
wards Seoul met the Kunrentai troops outside the
'Japanese official report. * Ibid. 3 Ibid.

64 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

West Gate and then advanced more rapidly to the
palace.

The Japanese Court of Preliminary Enquiries,
which had Viscount Miura and his assistants before
it after the murder, reported all the facts up to this
point with great frankness. I have used its ac-
count solely in the above description. The Court
having gone so far, then added a final finding which
probably ranks as the most extraordinary state-
ment ever presented by a responsible Court of law.
" Notwithstanding these facts, there is no sufficient
evidence to prove that any of the accused actually
committed the crime originally meditated by them,
, . . For these reasons the accused, each and
all, are hereby discharged."

What happened after the Regent and the Japa-
nese reached the palace? The party advanced,
with the Kunrentai troops to the front Behind
them were the police, the officers in charge, and
twenty-six Japanese, An inner group of these,
about half of them, had special orders to find the
Queen and kill her. The gates of the palace were
in the hands of Japanese soldiers, so the con-
spirators had free admission. Most of the regular
troops paraded outside, according to orders. Some
went inside the grounds, accompanied by the rabble,
and others moved to the sides of the palace, sur-
rounding it to prevent any from escaping. A body
of men attacked and broke down the wall near to
the royal apartments.

Rumours had reached the palace that some plot

THE MUEDEE OP THE QUEEN" 56

was in progress, but no one seems to have taken
much trouble to maintain special watch. At the
first sign of the troops breaking down the walls
and entering through the gates, there was general
confusion. Some of the Korean body-guard tried
to resist, but after a few of them were shot the
others retired. The royal apartment was of the
usual one-storied type, led to by a few stone steps,
and with carved wooden doors and oiled-paper
windows. The Japanese made straight for it, and,
when they reached the small courtyard in front,
their troops paraded up before the entrance, while
the soshi broke down the doors and entered the
rooms. Some caught hold of the King and pre-
sented him with a document by which he was to
divorce and repudiate the Queen. Despite every
threat, he refused to sign this. Others were press-
ing into the Queen's apartments. The Minister of
the Household tried to stop them, but was killed
on the spot. The soshi seized the terrified palace
ladies, who were running away, dragged them
round and round by their hair, and beat them, de-
manding that they should tell where the Queen
was. They moaned and cried and declared that
they did not know. Now the men were pressing
into the side-rooms, some of them hauling the
palace ladies by their hair. Okamoto, who led the
way, found a little woman hiding in a corner,
grabbed her head, and asked her if she were the
Queen. She denied it, freed herself, with a sudden
jerk, and rah into the corridor, shouting as she ran.

56 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

Her son, who was present, heard her call his name
three times, but, before she could utter more, the
Japanese were on her and had cut her down. Some
of the female attendants were dragged up, shown
the dying body, and made to recognize it, and then
three of them were put to the sword.

The conspirators had brought kerosene with
them. They threw a bedwrap around the Queen,
probably not yet dead, and carried her to a grove
of trees in the deer park not far away. There they
poured the oil over her, piled faggots of wood
around, and set all on fire. They fed the flames
with more and more kerosene, until everything was
consumed, save a few bones. Almost before the
body was alight the Regent was being borne in
triumph to the palace under an escort of trium-
phant Japanese soldiers. He at once assumed con-
trol of affairs. The King was made a prisoner in
his palace. The Regent's partizans were sum-
moned to form a Cabinet, and orders were given
that all officials known to be friendly to the Queen's
party should be arrested.

The Japanese were not content with this. They
did everything they could, the Regent aiding them,
to blacken the memory of the murdered women.
A forged Royal Decree, supposed to have been
issued by the King, was officially published, de-
nouncing Queen Min, ranking her among the low-
est prostitutes, and assuming that she was not
dead, but had escaped, and would again come for*
ward. " We knew the extreme of her wickedness,"
said the decree, " but We were helpless and full of

THE MUEDBE OF THE QUEEN 67

fear of her party, and so could not dismiss and pun-
ish her. We are convinced that she is not only
unfitted and unworthy to be Queen, but also that
her guilt is excessive and overflowing. With her
We could not succeed to the glory of the Royal
ancestors, so We hereby depose her from the rank
of Queen and reduce her to the level of the lowest
class."

The poor King, trembling, broken, fearful of be-
ing poisoned, remained closely confined in his pal-
ace. The foreign community, Ministers and mis-
sionaries, did their best for him, conveying him
food and visiting him.

If the Japanese thought that their crime could
be hushed up they were much mistaken. Some of
the American missionaries 5 wives were the Queen's
friends. A famous American newspaper man, Colo-
nel Cockerill,of the New YorkHerald, came to Seoul,
and wrote with the utmost frankness about what he
learned. So much indignation was aroused that
the Japanese Government promised to institute an
enquiry and place the guilty on trial. Ito was then
Prime Minister and declared that every unworthy
son of Japan connected with the crime would be
placed on trial. " Not to do so would be to con-
demn Japan in the eyes of all the world," he de-
clared. " If she does not repudiate this usurpation
on the part of the Tai Won Kun, she must lose the
respect of every civilized government on earth."
Miura and his associates were, in due course,
brought before a court of enquiry. But the pro-
ceedings were a farce. They were all released,

68 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

Miura became a popular hero, and his friends and
defenders tried openly to justify the murder.

Japan, following her usual plan of following pe-
riods of great harshness by spells of mildness, sent
Count Inouye as Envoy Extraordinary, to smooth
over matters. He issued a decree restoring the
late Queen to full rank. She was given the posthu-
mous title of " Guileless, revered " and a temple
called "Virtuous accomplishment" was dedicated
to her memory. Twenty-two officials of high rank
were commissioned to write her biography. But
the King was still kept a prisoner in the palace.

Then came a bolt from the blue. The Rus-
sian Minister at Seoul at this time, M. Waeber,
was a man of very fine type, and he was backed by
a wife as gifted and benevolent as himself. He
had done his best to keep in touch with and help
the King. Now a further move was made. The
Russian Legation guard was increased to 160 men,
and almost immediately afterwards it was an-
nounced that the King had escaped from his
jailers at the palace, and had taken refuge with
the Russians. A little before seven in the morning
the King and Crown Prince left the palace secretly,
in closed chairs, such as women use. Their escape
was carefully planned. For more than a week be-
fore, the ladies of the palace had caused a number
of chairs to go in and out by the several gates in
order to familiarize the guards with the idea that
they were paying many visits. So when, early in
the morning, two women's chairs were carried out
tyf the attendants, the guards took no special no-

THE MTTBDEB OF THE QUEEST 69

tice. The King and his son arrived at the Russian
Legation very much agitated and trembling. They
were expected, and were at once admitted* As it
is the custom in Korea for the King to work at
night and sleep in the morning, the members of
the Cabinet did not discover his escape for some
hours, until news was brought to them from out-
side that he was safe under the guardianship of his
new friends.

Excitement at once spread through the city.
Great crowds assembled, some armed with sticks,
some with stones, some with any weapons they
could lay hands on. A number of old Court dig-
nitaries hurried to the Legation, and within an
hour or two a fresh Cabinet was constituted, and
the old one deposed.

The heads of the Consulates and Legations
called and paid their respects to the King, the
Japanese Minister being the last to do so. For
him this move meant utter defeat. Later in the
day, a proclamation was spread broadcast, calling
on the soldiers to protect their King, to cut off the
heads of the chief traitors and bring them to him.
This gave final edge to the temper of the mob.
Two Ministers were dragged into the street and
slaughtered. Another Minister was murdered at
his home. In one respect the upheaval brought
peace. The people in the country districts had
been on the point of rising against the Japanese,
who were reported to be universally hated as op-
pressors. With their King in power again, they
settled down peaceably.

IVi

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB

IT was. a double blow to Japan that the check
to her plans should have been inflicted by
Russia, for she now regarded Russia as the
next enemy to be overthrown, and was already
secretly preparing against her. Russia had suc-
ceeded in humiliating Japan by inducing France
and Germany to cooperate in a demand that she
should evacuate the Liaotung Peninsula, ceded to
her, under the Treaty of Shimonoseki, by China.
Forced to obey, Japan entered on another nine
years of preparation, to enable her to cross swords
with the Colossus of the North.

At the close of the nineteenth century Russia
was regarded as the supreme menace to world
peace. Her expansion to the south of Siberia
threatened British power in India; her railway de-
velopments to the Pacific threatened Japan. She
struggled for a dominating place in the councils of
China and was believed to have cast an ambitious
eye on Korea. Germany looked with dread on the
prospect of France and Russia striking her on
either side and squeezing her like a nut between
the crackers. Her statesmen were eager to obtain

60

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB 61

egress to the seas of the south, through the Darda-
nelles, and years before it had become a part of the
creed of every British schoolboy that "the Rus-
sians shall not enter Constantinople."

It was dread of what Russia might do that
caused England, to the amazement of the world,
to conclude an Alliance with Japan in 1902, for the
maintenance of the status quo in the Far East
Japan, willing under certain conditions to forget
her grievances, had first sought alliance with Rus-
sia and had sent Prince Ito on a visit to St. Peters-
burg for that purpose. But Russia was too proud
and self-confident to contemplate any such step,
and so Japan turned to Britain, and obtained a
readier hearing. Under the Alliance, both Britain
and Japan disclaimed any aggressive tendencies in
China or Korea, but the special interests of Japan
in Korea were recognized.

The Alliance was an even more important step
forward for Japan in the ranks of the nations of the
world than her victory against China had been, and
it was the precursor of still more important devel-
opments. This, however, takes us ahead of our
story.

The King of Korea, after his escape from the
palace, remained for some time in the Russian Le-
gation, conducting his Court from there. Agree-
ments were arrived at between the Russians, Japa-
nese and Koreans in 1896 by which the King was
to return to his palace and Japan was to keep her
people in Korea in stricter control. A small body

62 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

of Japanese troops was to remain for a short time
in Korea to guard the Japanese telegraph lines,
when it was to be succeeded by some Japanese
gendarmerie who were to stay " until such time as
peace and order have been restored by the Govern-
ment" Both countries agreed to leave to Korea
the maintenance of her own national army and
police.

These agreements gave the Korean monarch
who now took the title of Emperor a final chance
to save himself and his country. The Japanese
campaign of aggression was checked. Russia, at
the time, was behaving with considerable circum-
spection. A number of foreign advisers were in-
troduced, and many reforms were initiated. Pro-
gressive statesmen were placed at the head of af-
fairs, and the young reformer, So Jai-pil, Dr. Philip
Jaisohn, was summoned from America as Adviser
to the Privy Council.

It must be admitted that the results were on the
whole disappointing. Certain big reforms were
made. In the period between 1894 and 190-i the
developments would have seemed startling to those
who knew the land in the early eighties. There
was a modern and well-managed railroad operating
between Seoul and the port of Chemulpo, and
other railroads had been planned and surveyed,
work being started on some of them. Seoul had
electric light, electric tramways and an electric
theatre. Fine roads had been laid around the city.
Many old habits of mediaeval times had been abol-

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB 63

ished. Schools and hospitals were spreading all
over the land, largely as a result of missionary ac-
tivity. Numbers of the people, especially in the
north, had become Christians. Sanitation was im-
proved, and the work of surveying, charting and
building lighthouses for the waters around the
coast begun. Many Koreans of the better classes
went abroad, and young men were returning after
graduation in American colleges. The police were
put into modern dress and trained on modern lines;
and a little modern Korean Army was launched.

Despite this, things were in an unsatisfactory
state. The Emperor, whose nerve had been
broken by his experiences on the night of the mur-
der of the Queen and in the days following, was
weak, uncertain and suspicious. He could not be
relied on save for one thing. He was very jealous
of his own prerogatives, and the belief that some of
his best statesmen and advisers were trying to es-
tablish constitutional monarchy, limiting the power
of the Throne, finally caused him to throw in his
lot with the anti-Progressive group.

Then there was no real reform in justice. The
prisons retained most of their mediaeval horrors,
and every man held his life and property at the
mercy of the monarch and his assistants.

Some of the foreign advisers were men of high
calibre; others were unfitted for their work, and
used their offices to serve their own ends and fill
their own pockets. Advisers or Ministers and for-
eign contractors apparently agreed at times to fill

64 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

their pockets at the cost of the Government
There is no other rational explanation of some of
the contracts concluded, or some of the supplies re-
ceived. The representatives of the European
Powers and America were like one great happy
family, and the life of the European and American
community in Seoul was for a long time ideal.
There came one jarring experience when a Govern-
ment it would be unkind to mention which sent
a Minister who was a confirmed dipsomaniac. For
days after his arrival he was unable to see the Min-
isters of State who called on him, being in one long
debauch. The members of his Legation staff had
to keep close watch on him until word could be sent
home, when he was promptly recalled.

The young Koreans who were given power as
Ministers and Advisers after the Monarch escaped
from Japanese control were anxious to promote re-
form and education, and to introduce some plan of
popular administration. They were aided by one
British official, Mr. (now Sir John) McLeavy
Brown. Mr. Brown, trained in the Chinese Cus-
toms Service, was given charge of the Korean
Treasury and Customs, at the instigation of the
British Government It was hoped that this ap-
pointment indicated that the British Government
would take a more active interest in Korean affairs.
Unfortunately Korea was far away, and the pre-
vailing idea in England at the time was to escape
any more over-seas burdens.

Mr* Brown was the terror of all men who re-

THE DifDBPEOT)E]S"OE CLUB 65

garded the national treasure chest as the plunder
box. Even the King* found his extravagance
checked, and Imperial schemes were delayed and
turned from mere wasteful squanderings to some
good purpose. When, for example, the Emperor
announced his determination to build a great new
memorial palace to the late Queen, Mr. Brown
pointed out that the first thing to do was to build
a fine road to the spot The road was built, to the
permanent gain of the nation, and the palatial me-
morial waited. Old debts were paid off. The na-
tion was making money and saving.

A national economist always arouses many
foes. The popular man is the man who spends
freely. Officials who found their own gains lim-
ited and the sinecure posts for their relatives cut
down united against the British guardian of the
purse. Just about this time Russian control was
changed. M. Waeber left Seoul, to the universal
regret of all who knew him, and was succeeded by
M. de Speyer, who displayed the most aggressive
aspects of the Russian expansionist movement. A
Russian official was appointed Mr. Brown's suc-
cessor and for a beginning doubled the salaries of
the Korean office holders. This brought many of
the Korean office holders in line against Mr. Brown.
The latter held on to his office despite the appoint-
ment of the Russian, and when an active attempt
was made to turn him from his office, the British
Fleet appeared in Chemulpo Harbour. Mr.
Brown was to be backed by all the force of Eng-

66 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

land. The Russians yielded and Mr. Brown re-
mained on at the head of the Customs, but did not
retain full control over the Treasury.

Had Britain or America at this time taken a hand
in the administration of Korean afiairs, much future
trouble would have been avoided. They would have
done so as part of their Imperial task of " bearing
the burden of weaker nations." Many Koreans
desired and tried to obtain the intervention of
America, but the United States had not then real-
ized to the extent she was to do later that great
power brings great responsibilities, not for your
nation alone, but for all the world that has need of
you.

During the period of active reform following the
King's escape, the Progressives formed a league
for the maintenance of Korean union. At their
head was Dr. Philip Jaisohn, the boy General of
1884 The movement was one of considerable im-
portance. In response to my request, Dr. Jaisohn
has written the following description of what took
place :

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB

" Early in 1896 I went back to Korea after an absence
of twelve years, at the urgent invitation of some Koreans
who at that time held high positions in the government.
When I reached Korea, I found that the Koreans who
had invited me had left their government positions,
either voluntarily or by force, and they were not to be
seen. It seemed that some of them had to leave the
country to save their lives. In those days the Korean
government changed almost every month.

THE INDEPEH'DB3ir CE CLUB 67

'At first I tried to help the Korean government in the
capacity of Adviser to the Privy Council, as they offered
me a five year contract to serve them in this manner. I
accepted the offer and gave some advice. For the first
month or two some of it was accepted by the Emperor
and his Cabinet officers, but they soon found that if they
carried out this advice, it would interfere with some of
their private schemes and privileges. They informed the
Emperor that I was not a friend of his, but a friend of
the Korean people, which at that time was considered
treason. My influence was decreasing every day at the
Court, and my advice was ignored. I gave up the idea of
helping the government officially and planned to give my
services ^to the Korean people as a private individual.

" I started the first English newspaper, as well as the
first Korean newspaper, both being known as The Inde-
pendent. At first this was only published semi-weekly,
but later on, every other day. The Korean edition of this
paper was eagerly read by the people and the circulation
increased by leaps and bounds. It was very encouraging
to me and I believe it did exert considerable influence for
good. It stopped the government officials from com-
mitting flagrant acts of corruption, and the people looked
upon the paper as a source of appeal to their ruler. This
little sheet was not only circulated in the capital and
immediate vicinity, but went to the remote corners of the
entire kingdom. A pathetic but interesting fact is^ that
it was read by a subscriber, and when he had finished
reading it, turned it over to his neighbours, and in this way
each copy was read by at least 200 people. The reason
for this was that most of the people were too poor to
buy the paper, and it was also very hard to get it to the
subscribers, owing to the lack of proper transportation
facilities at that time.

" After the paper was running in an encouraging man-
ner, I started a debating club, called THE INDEPENDENCE
CLUB, and leased a large hall outside of the West Gate
which was originally built by the government to entertain
foreign envoys who visited Korea in olden times. This
hall was very spacious and surrounded by considerable

68 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

ground and was the best place in Korea for holding public
meetings. When this club was organized there were only
half a dozen members, but in the course of three months
the membership increased to nearly 10,000. There were
no obstacles or formalities in joining it and no dues or
admission were charged. As a result, many joined, some
from curiosity and some for the sake of learning the way
of conducting a public meeting in Parliamentary fashion,

"The subjects discussed were mostly political and
economical questions, but religion and education were not
overlooked. In the beginning the Koreans were shy
about standing up before an audience to make a public
speech, but after a certain amount of coaching and
encouragement I found that hundreds of them could
make very effective speeches. I believe the Koreans have
a natural talent for public speaking. Of course, all that
was said in these meetings was not altogether logical or
enlightening; nevertheless, a good many new thoughts
were brought out which were beneficial. Besides, the
calm and orderly manner in which various subjects were
debated on equal footing, produced a wonderful effect
among the Korean young men and to those who were in
the audience.

" In the course of a year the influence of this club was
very great and the members thought it \ya$ the most
marvellous institution that was ever brought to Korea.
The most remarkable thing I noticed was the quick and
intelligent manner in which the Korean young men
grasped and mastered the intricacies of Parliamentary
rule. I often noticed that some Korean raised a question
of the point of order in their procedure which was well
taken, worthy of expert Parliamentarians of the Western
countries.

"The increasing 1 influence of the Independence Club
was feared not only by the Korean officials but by some of
the foreign representatives, such as Russia and Japan, both
of whom did not relish the idea of creating public opinion
among the Korean people. The members of the Inde-
pendence Club did not have any official status, but they
enjoyed the privilege of free speech during the meeting

THE INDEPEN'DEN'CE CLUB 69

of this club, and they did not hesitate to criticize their
own officials, as well as those of the foreign nations who
tried to put through certain schemes in Korea for the
benefit of their selfish interests. In the course o a year
and a half the opposition to this club developed in a
marked degree not among the people, but among a few
government officials and certain members of the foreign
legations.

" The first time in Korean history that democracy made
its power felt in the government was at the time Russia
brought to Korea a large number of army officers to drill
the Korean troops. When this question was brought up
in the Independence Club debate, and the scheme was
thoroughly discussed pro and con by those who took part
in the debate, it was the consensus of opinion that the
turning over of the Military Department to a foreign
power was suicidal policy and they decided to persuade
the government to stop this scheme. The next day some
10,000 or more members of the club assembled in front
of the palace, and petitioned the Emperor to cancel the
agreement of engaging the Russian military officers as
they thought it was a dangerous procedure. The Em-
peror sent a messenger out several times to persuade them
to disperse and explain to the people that there was no
danger in engaging the Russians as military instructors.
But the people did not disperse, nor did they accept the
Emperor's explanation. They quietly but firmly refused
to move from the palace gates unless the contract with
Russia was cancelled.

" When the Russian Minister heard of this demonstra-
tion against the contract he wrote a very threatening letter
to the Korean government to the effect that the Korean
government must disperse the people, by force if neces-
sary, and stop any talk imputing selfish motives on the
part of the Russian government. If this was not stopped,
the Russian government would withdraw all the officers
from Korea at once, and Korea would have to stand the
consequences. This communication was shown to the
people with the explanation that if they insisted upon
cancelling this contract dire consequences would result

70 ROBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

to Korea. But the people told the government they
would stand the consequences, whatever they would be,
but would not have Russian officers control their military
establishment. The Korean government finally asked the
Russian Minister to withdraw their military officers and
offered to pay any damage on account of the cancellation
of the contract. This was done, and the will of the peo-
ple was triumphant (

" But this event made opposition to the Independence
Club stronger than ever, and the government organized an
opposing organization, known as the PEDLARS' GUILD,
which was composed of all the pedlars of the country,
to counteract the influence this club wielded in the coun-
try. In May, 1898, 1 left Korea for the United States."

Dr. Jaisohn, as a naturalized American citizen,
was immune from arrest by the Korean Govern-
ment, and the worst that could happen to him was
dismissal. Another young man who now came to
the front in the Independence movement could
claim no such immunity. Syngman Rhee, son of a
good family, training in Confucian scholarship to
win a literary degree and official position, heard
with contempt and dislike the tales told by his
friends of foreign teachers and foreign religion.
His parents were pious Buddhists and Confucians,
and he followed their faith. Finding, however,
that if he hoped to make good in official life he
must know English, he joined the Pai Chai mission
school, in Seoul, under Dr. Appenzeller. He be-
came a member of the Independence Club, and is-
sued a daily paper to support his cause. Young,
fiery, enthusiastic, he soon came to occupy a promi-
nent place in the organization.

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB 71

The Independents were determined to have
genuine reform, and the mass of the people were
still behind them. The Conservatives, who op-
posed them, now controlled practically all official
actions. The Independence Club started a popular
agitation, and for months Seoul was in a ferment.
Great meetings of the people continued day after
day, the shops closing that all might attend. Even
the women stirred from their retirement, and held
meetings of their own to plead for change. To
counteract this movement, the Conservative party
revived and called to its aid an old secret society,
the Pedlars' Guild, which had in the past been a
useful agent for reaction. The Cabinet promised
fair things, and various nominal reforms were out-
lined. The Independents' demands were, in the
main, the absence of foreign control, care in grant-
ing foreign concessions, public trial of important
offenders, honesty in State finance, and justice for
all. In the end, another demand was added to
these that a popular representative tribunal
should be elected.

When the Pedlars' Guild had organized its
forces, the King commanded the disbandment of
the Independence Club. The Independents re-
torted by going en bloc to the police headquarters,
and asking to be arrested. Early in November,
1898, seventeen of the Independent leaders were
thrown into prison, and would have been put
to death but for public clamour. The people rose
and held a series of such angry demonstrations

72 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

that, at the end of five days, the leaders were re-
leased.

The Government now, to quiet the people, gave
assurances that genuine reforms would be insti-
tuted. When the mobs settled down, reform was
again shelved. On one occasion, when the citizens
of Seoul crowded into the main thoroughfare to
renew their demands, the police were ordered to
attack them with swords and destroy them. They
refused to obey, and threw off their badges, saying
that the cause of the people was* their cause. The
soldiers under foreign officers, however, had no
hesitation in carrying out the Imperial commands.
As a next move, many thousands of men, acting on
an old national custom, went to the front of the
palace and sat there in silence day and night for
fourteen days. In Korea this is the most impress-
ive of all ways of demonstrating the wrath of the
nation, and it greatly embarrassed the Court

The Pedlars' Guild was assembled in another
part of the city, to make a counter demonstration.
Early in the morning, when the Independents were
numerically at their weakest, the Pedlars attacked
them and drove them off. On attempting to re-
turn they found the way barred by police. Fight
after fight occurred during the next few days be-
tween the popular party and the Conservatives,
and then, to bring peace, the Emperor promised his
people a general audience in front of the palace.
The meeting took place amid every surrounding
that could lend it solemnity. The foreign repre-

THE i:mEPENDEN*CE CLUB 73

sentatives and the heads of the Government were
in attendance. The Emperor, who stood on a spe-
cially built platform, received the leaders of the
Independents, and listened to their statement of
their case. They asked that the monarch should
keep some of his old promises to maintain the na-
tional integrity and do justice* The Emperor, in
reply, presented them with a formal document, in
which he agreed to their main demands.

The crowd, triumphant, dispersed. The organi-
zation of the reformers slackened, for they thought
that victory was won. Then the Conservative
party landed some of its heaviest blows. The re-
formers were accused of desiring to establish a
republic. Dissension was created in their ranks by
the promotion of a scheme to recall Pak Yung-hio.
Some of the more extreme Independents indulged
in wild talk, and gave excuse for official repression.
Large numbers of reform leaders were arrested on
various pretexts. Meetings were dispersed at the
point of the bayonet, and the reform movement was
broken. The Emperor did not realize that he had,
in the hour that he consented to crush the re-
formers, pronounced the doom of his own Imperial
house, and handed his land over to an alien people.

Dr. Jaisohn maintains that foreign influence was
mainly responsible for the destruction of the Inde-
pendence Club. Certain Powers did not wish
Korea to be strong. He adds :

"The passing of the Independence Club was one of
the most unfortunate things in the history of Korea, but

74 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

there is one consolation to be derived from it, and tfiaf
is, the seed of democracy was sown in Korea through
this movement, and that the leaders o the present In-
dependence Movement in Korea are mostly members of
the old Independence Club, who somehow escaped with
their lives from the wholesale persecution that followed
the collapse of the Independence Club. Six out of the
eight cabinet members elected by the people this year,
(1919) were the former active members of the In-
dependence Club/'

Among the Independents arrested was Syngman
Rhee. The foreign community, which in a sense
stood sponsor for the more moderate of the Inde-
pendents, brought influence to bear, and it was un-
derstood that in a few days the leaders would be
released. Some of them were. But Rhee and a
companion broke out before release, in order to
stir up a revolt against the Government. By a mis-
understanding their friends were not on the spot
to help them, and they were at once recaptured.

Rhee was now exposed to the full fury of the
Emperor's wrath. He was thrown into the inner-
most prison, and for seven months lay one of a line
of men fastened to the ground, their heads held
down by heavy cangues, their feet in stocks and
their hands fastened by chains so that the wrists
were level with the forehead. Occasionally he was
taken out to be tormented, in ancient fashion. He
expected death, and rejoiced when one night he
was told that he was to be executed. His death
was already, announced in the newspapers. But
when the guard came they took, not Rhee, but the
man fastened down next to him, to whom Rhee had

THE INDBPENDBSrCB CLTJB 76

smuggled a farewell message to be given to his
father after his death. His sentence was com-
muted to life imprisonment

Lying there, the mind of the young reformer
went back to the messages he had heard at the
mission school. He turned to the Christians' God,
and his first prayer was typical of the man, " O
God, save my country and save my soul." To him,
the dark and foetid cell became as the palace of
God, for here God spoke to his soul and he found
peace.

He made friends with his guards. One of them
smuggled a little Testament in to him. From the
faint light of the tiny window, he read passage after
passage, one of the under-jailers holding the book
for him since with his bound hands he could not
hold it himself and another waiting to give warn-
ing of the approach of the chief guard. Man after
man in that little cell found God, and the jailer him-
self was converted.

After seven months of the hell of the inner cell,
Rhee was shifted to roomier quarters, where he
was allowed more freedom, still, however, carrying
chains around his neck and body. He organized a
church in the prison, made up of his own converts.
Then he obtained text-books and started a school.
He did not in the least relax his own principles.
He secretly wrote a book on the spirit of Inde-
pendence during his imprisonment. His old mis-
sionary friends sought him out and did what they
could for him.

76 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

Rhee met plenty of his old friends, for the Con-
servatives were in the saddle now, and were arrest-
ing and imprisoning Progressives at every oppor-
tunity. Among the newcomers was a famous old
Korean statesman, Yi Sang-jai, who had formerly
been First Secretary to the Korean Legation at
Washington. Yi incurred the Emperor's displeas-
ure and was thrown into prison. He entered it
strongly anti-Christian; before two years were
over he had become a leader of the Christian band.
In due course Yi was released and became Secre-
tary of the Emperor's Cabinet He carried his
Christianity out with him, and later on, when he
left office, became Religious Work leader of the
Seoul Y. M. C. A, Yi was one of the most loved
and honoured men in Korea. Every one who knew
him spoke of him in terms of confidence and praise.

Syngman Rhee was not released from prison
until 1904. He then went to America, graduated
at the George Washington University, took M. A. at
Harvard, and earned his Ph. D. at Princeton. He
returned to Seoul as an official of the Y. M. C. A.,
but finding it impossible to settle down under the
Japanese regime, went to Honolulu, where he be-
came principal of the Korean School. A few years
later he was chosen first President of the Republic
of Korea.

When Russia leased the Liaotung Peninsula
from China, after having prevented Japan from re-
taining it, she threw Korea as a sop to Japan. A
treaty was signed by which both nations recog-

THE INDEPENDENCE CLUB 77

nized the independence of Korea, but Russia defi-
nitely recognized the supreme nature of the Japa-
nese enterprises and interests there, and promised
not to impede the development of Japan's commer-
cial and industrial Korean policy. The Russian
military instructors and financial adviser were with-
drawn from Seoul.

The Emperor of Korea was still in the hands of
the reactionaries. His Prime Minister and favour-
ite was Yi Yung-ik, the one-time coolie who had
rescued the Queen, and was now the man at the
right hand of the throne.

After a time Russia repented of her generosity.
She sought to regain control in Korea. She sent,
M, Pavloff, an astute and charming statesman, to
Seoul, and a series of intrigues began. Yi Yung-ik
sided with the Russians. The end was war.

One personal recollection of these last days be-
fore the war remains stamped on my memory. I
was in Seoul and had been invited to an interview
with Yi Yung-ik. Squatted on the ground in his
apartment we discussed matters. I urged on him
the necessity of reform, if Korea was to save her-
self from extinction Yi quickly retorted that
Korea was safe, for her independence was guaran-
teed by America and Europe.

" Don't you understand/' I urged, " that treaties
not backed by power are useless. If you wish the
treaties to be respected, you must live up to them.
You must reform or perish/*

" It does not matter what the other nations are

78 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

doing," declared the Minister. " We have this day
sent out a statement that we are neutral and asking
for our neutrality to be respected."

"Why should they protect you, if you do not
protect yourself?" I asked.

" We have the promise of America. She will be
our friend whatever happens," the Minister in-
sisted.

From that position he would not budge.

Three days later, the Russian ships, the Variag
and the Koriets, lay sunken wrecks in Chemulpo
Harbour, broken by the guns of the Japanese fleet,
and the Japanese soldiers had seized the Korean
Emperor's palace. M. Hayashi, the Japanese Min-
ister, was dictating the terms he must accept.
Korea's independence was over, in deed if not in
name, and Japan was at last about to realize her
centuries' old ambition to have Korea for her own.

V
THE NEW ERA

JAPAN was now in a position to enforce obedi-
ence. Russia could no longer interfere; Eng-
land would not A new treaty between Japan
and Korea, drawn up in advance, was signed the
Emperor being ordered to assent without hesita-
tion or alteration and Japan began her work as
the open protector of Korea. The Korean Gov-
ernment was to place full confidence in Japan and
follow her lead ; while Japan pledged herself " in a
spirit of firm friendship, to secure the safety and
repose " of the Imperial Korean House, and defi-
nitely guaranteed the independence and territorial
integrity of the country. Japan was to be given
every facility for military operations during the
war.

The Japanese at first behaved with great mod-
eration. Officials who had been hostile to them
were not only left unpunished, but were, some of
them, employed in the Japanese service. The
troops marching northwards maintained rigid dis-
cipline and treated the people well. Food that was
taken was purchased at fair prices, and the thou-

19

80 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

sands of labourers who were pressed into the army
service as carriers were rewarded with a liberality
and promptitude that left them surprised. Mr.
Hayashi did everything that he could to reassure
the Korean Emperor, and repeatedly told him that
Japan desired nothing but the good of Korea and
the strengthening of the Korean nation. The Mar-
quis Ito was soon afterwards sent on a special mis-
sion from the Mikado, and he repeated and empha-
sized the declarations of friendship and help.

All this was not without effect upon the Korean
mind. The people of the north had learnt to dis-
like the Russians, because of their lack of discipline
and want of restraint They had been alienated in
particular by occasional interference with Korean
women by the Russian soldiers. I travelled largely
throughout the northern regions in the early days
of the war, and everywhere I heard from the people
during the first few weeks nothing but expressions
of friendship to the Japanese. The coolies and
farmers were friendly because they hoped that
Japan would modify the oppression of the native
magistrates. A section of better-class people, es-
pecially those who had received some foreign train-
ing, were sympathetic, because they credited Ja-
pan's promises and had been convinced by old ex-
perience that no far-reaching reforms could come
to their land without foreign aid.

As victory followed victory, However, the atti-
tude of the Japanese grew less kindly. A large
number of petty tradesmen followed the army, and

THE NEW EEA 81

these sHowed none of the restraint of the military.
They travelled about, sword in hand, taking what
they wished and doing as they pleased. Then the
army cut down the rate of pay for coolies, and,
from being overpaid, the native labourers were
forced to toil for half their ordinary earnings. The
military, too, gradually began to acquire a more
domineering air.

In Seoul itself a definite line of policy was being
pursued. The Korean Government had employed
a number of foreign advisers. These were steadily
eliminated; some of them were paid up for the full
time of their engagements and sent off, and others
were told that their agreements would not be
renewed. Numerous Japanese advisers were
brought in, and, step by step, the administration
was Japanized. This process was hastened by a
supplementary agreement concluded in August,
when the Korean Emperor practically handed the
control *of administrative functions over to the
Japanese. He agreed to engage a Japanese finan-
cial adviser, to reform the currency, to reduce his
army, to adopt Japanese military and educational
methods, and eventually to trust the foreign rela-
tions to Japan. One of the first results of this new
agreement was that Mr. (now Baron) Megata was
given control of the Korean finances. He quickly
brought extensive and, on the whole, admirable
changes into the currency. Under the old methods,
Korean money was among the worst in the world.
The famous gibe of a British Consul in an official

82 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM!

report, that the Korean coins might be divided into
good, good counterfeits, bad counterfeits, and
counterfeits so bad that they can only be passed off
in the dark, was by no means an effort of imagina-
tion. In the days before the war it was necessary,
when one received any sum of money, to employ an
expert to count over the coins, and put aside the
worst counterfeits. The old nickels were so cum-
bersome that a very few pounds' worth of them
formed a heavy load for a pony. Mr. Megata
changed all this, and put the currency on a sound
basis, naturally not without some temporary trou-
ble, but certainly with permanent benefit to the
country.

The next great step in the Japanese advance was
the acquirement of the entire Korean postal and
telegraph system. This was taken over, despite
Korean protests. More and more Japanese gen-
darmes were brought in and established themselves
everywhere. They started to control all political
activity. Men who protested against Japanese ac-
tion were arrested and imprisoned, or driven
abroad. A notorious pro-Japanese society, the II
Chin Hoi, was fostered by every possible means,
members receiving for a time direct payments
through Japanese sources. The payment at one
period was 50 sen (Is.) a day. Notices were
posted in Seoul that no one could organize a po-
litical society unless the Japanese headquarters
consented, and no one could hold a meeting for dis-
cussing affairs without permission, and without

THE NEW~EE~A 83

having it guarded by Japanese'police. Air letters
and circulars issued by political societies were first
to be submitted to the headquarters. Those who
offended made themselves punishable by martial
law.

Gradually the hand of Japan became heavier and
heavier. Little aggravating changes were made.
The Japanese military authorities decreed that
Japanese time should be used for all public work,
and they changed the names of the towns from
Korean to Japanese. Martial law was now en-
forced with the utmost rigidity. Scores of thou-
sands of Japanese coolies poured into the country,
and spread abroad, acting in a most oppressive
way. These coolies, who had been kept strictly
under discipline in their own land, here found them-
selves masters of a weaker people. The Korean
magistrates could not punish them, and the few
Japanese residents, scattered in the provinces,
would not. The coolies were poor, uneducated,
strong, and with the inherited brutal traditions of
generations of their ancestors who had looked upon
force and strength as supreme right. They went
through the country like a plague. If they wanted
a thing they took it. If they fancied a house, they
turned the resident out

They beat, they outraged, they murdered in a
way and on a scale of which it is difficult for any
white man to speak with moderation. Koreans
were flogged to death for offences that did not de-
serve a sixpenny fine. They were shot for mere

84 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

awkwardness. Men were dispossessed of their
homes by every form of guile and trickery. It was
my lot to hear from Koreans themselves and from
white men living in the districts, hundreds upon
hundreds of incidents of this time, all to the same
effect The outrages were allowed to pass unpun-
ished and unheeded. The Korean who approached
the office of a Japanese resident to complain was
thrown out, as a rule, by the underlings.

One act on the part of the Japanese surprised
most of those who knew them best. In Japan it-
self opium-smoking is prohibited under the heavi-
est penalties, and elaborate precautions are taken
to shut opium in any of its forms out of the coun-
try. Strict anti-opium laws were also enforced in
Korea under the old administration. The Japa-
nese, however, now permitted numbers of their
people to travel through the interior of Korea sell-
ing morphia to the natives. In the northwest in
particular this caused quite a wave of morphia-
mania.

The Japanese had evidently set themselves to
acquire possession of as much Korean land as pos-
sible. The military authorities staked out large
portions of the finest sites in the country, the river-
lands near Seoul, the lands around Pyeng-yang,
great districts to the north, and fine strips all along
the railway. Hundreds of thousands of acres were
thus acquired. A nominal sum was paid as com-
pensation to the Korean Government a sum that
did not amount to one-twentieth part of the real

THE STEW EEA 85

value of the land. The people who were turned
out received, in many cases, nothing at all, and, in
others, one-tenth to one-twentieth of the fair value.
The land was seized by the military, nominally for
purposes of war. Within a few months large parts
of it were being resold to Japanese builders and
shopkeepers, and Japanese settlements were grow-
ing up on them. This theft of land beggared thou-
sands of formerly prosperous people.

The Japanese Minister pushed forward, in the
early days of the war, a scheme of land appropria-
tion that would have handed two-thirds of Korea
over at a blow to a Japanese concessionaire, a Mr.
Nagamori, had it gone through. Under this pro-
posal all the waste lands of Korea, which included
all unworked mineral lands, were to be given to
Mr. Nagamori nominally for fifty years, but really
on a perpetual lease, without any payment or com-
pensation, and with freedom from taxation for
some time. Mr. Nagamori was simply a cloak for
the Japanese Government in this matter. The
comprehensive nature of the request stirred even
the foreign representatives in Seoul to action. For
the moment the Japanese had to abandon the
scheme. The same scheme under another name
was carried out later when the Japanese obtained
fuller control.

It may be asked why the Korean people did not
make vigorous protests against the appropriation
of their land. They did all they could, as can be
seen by the " Five Rivers " case. One part of the

86 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

Japanese policy was to force loans upon the Korean
Government On one occasion it was proposed
that Japan should lend Korea 2,000,000 yen. The
residents in a prosperous district near Seoul, the
"Five Rivers/' informed the Emperor that if he
wanted money, they would raise it and so save
them the necessity of borrowing from foreigners.
Soon afterwards these people were all served with
notice to quit, as their land was wanted by the
Japanese military authorities. The district con-
tained, it was said, about 15,000 houses. The in-
habitants protested and a large number of them
went to Seoul, demanding to see the Minister for
Home Affairs. They were met by a Japanese po-
liceman, who was soon reenforced by about twenty
others, who refused to allow them to pass. A
free fight followed. Many of the Koreans were
wounded, some of them severely, and finally, in
spite of stubborn resistance, they were driven back.
Later, a mixed force of Japanese police and soldiers
went down to their district and drove them from
their villages.

The Japanese brought over among their many
advisers, one foreigner an American, Mr. Stevens
who had for some time served in the Japanese
Foreign Office. Mr, Stevens was nominally in the
employment of the Korean Government, but really
he was a more thoroughgoing servant of Japan
than many Japanese themselves. Two foreigners,
whose positions seemed fairly established, were
greatly in the way of the new rulers. One was Dr.

THE NEW EEA 87

Allen, the American Minister at Seoul. Dr. Allen
had shown himself to be an independent and im-
partial representative of his country. He was
friendly to the Japanese, but did not think it neces-
sary to shut his eyes to the darker sides of their
administration. This led to his downfall. He
took opportunity, on one or two occasions, to tell
his Government some unpalatable truths* The
Japanese came to know it. They suggested indi-
rectly that he was not persona grata to them. He
was summarily and somewhat discourteously re-
called, his successor, Mr. E. V. Morgan, arriving at
Seoul with authorization to replace him. The next
victim was Mr. McLeavy Brown, the Chief Com-
missioner of Customs. Mr. Brown had done his
utmost to work with the Japanese, but there were
conflicts of authority between him and Mr. Megata.
Negotiations were entered into with the British
authorities, and Mr. Brown had to go. He was too
loyal and self-sacrificing to dispute the ruling, and
submitted in silence.

As the summer of 1905 drew to a close it became
more and more clear that the Japanese Govern-
ment, despite its many promises to the contrary,
intended completely to destroy the independence
of Korea. Even the Court officials were at last
seriously alarmed, and set about devising means to
protect themselves. The Emperor had thought
that because Korean independence was provided
for in various treaties with Great Powers, therefore
he was safe. He had yet to learn that treaty rights,

88 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOR FEBEDOM

unbacked by power, are worth little more than the
paper upon which they are written.

The Emperor trusted in particular to the clause
in the Treaty with the United States in 1882 that if
other Powers dealt unjustly or oppressively with
Korea, America would exert her good offices to
bring about an amicable arrangement In vain did
the American Minister, his old friend Dr. Allen
who had not yet gone try to disillusion him.

Early in November the Marquis Ito arrived in
Seoul on another visit, this time as Special Envoy
from the Emperor of Japan. He brought with him
a letter from the Mikado, saying that he hoped the
Korean Emperor would follow the directions of the
Marquis, and come to an agreement with him, for
it was essential for the maintenance of peace in the
Far East that he should do so.

Marquis Ito was received in formal audience on
November 15th, and there presented a series of de-
mands, drawn up in treaty form. These were, in
the main, that the foreign relations of Korea should
be placed entirely in the hands of Japan, the Korean
diplomatic service brought to an end, and the Min-
isters recalled from foreign Courts. The Japanese
Minister to Korea was to became supreme admin-
istrator of the country under the Emperor, and the
Japanese Consuls in the different districts were to
be made Residents, with the powers of supreme
local governors. In other words, Korea was en-
tirely to surrender her independence as a State, and
was to hand over control of her internal adminis-

THE NEW EEA 89

tration to the Japanese. The Emperor met the re-
quest with a blank refusal. The conversation be-
tween the two, as reported at the time, was as
follows.
The Emperor said

"Although I have seen in the newspapers various
rumours that Japan proposed to assume a protectorate
over Korea, I did not believe them, as I placed faith in
Japan's adherence to the promise to maintain the in-
dependence of Korea which was made by the Em-
peror of Japan at the beginning of the war and embodied
in a treaty between Korea and Japan. When I heard
you were coming to my country I was glad, as I believed
your mission was to increase the friendship between our
countries, and your demands have therefore taken me
entirely by surprise/'

To which Marquis Ito rejoined

" These demands are not my own ; I am only acting in
accordance with a mandate from my Government, and
if Your Majesty will agree to the demands which I have
presented it will be to the benefit of both nations and
peace in the East will be assured for ever. Please, there-
fore, consent quickly."

The Emperor replied

" From time immemorial it has been the custom of the
rulers of Korea, when confronted with questions so mo-
mentous as this, to come to no decision until all the
Ministers, high and low, who hold or have held office,
have been consulted, and the opinion of the scholars and
the common people have been obtained, so that I cannot
now settle this matter myself."

90 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

Said Marquis Ito again

" Protests from the people can easily be disposed of,
and for the sake of the friendship between the two coun-
tries Your Majesty should come to a decision at once."

To this the Emperor replied

" Assent to your proposal would mean the ruin of my
country, and I will therefore sooner die than agree to it."

The conference lasted nearly five hours, and then
the Marquis had to leave, having accomplished
nothing. He at once tackled the members of the
Cabinet, individually and collectively. They were
all summoned to the Japanese Legation on the
following day, and a furious debate began, starting
at three o'clock in the afternoon, and lasting till
late at night. The Ministers had sworn to one an-
other beforehand that they would not yield. In
spite of threats, cajoleries, and proffered bribes,
they remained steadfast. The arguments used by
Marquis Ito and Mr. Hayashi, apart from personal
ones, were twofold. The first was that it was
essential for the peace of the Far East that Japan
and Korea should be united. The second appealed
to racial ambition. The Japanese painted to the
Koreans a picture of a great united East, with the
Mongol nations all standing firm and as one against
the white man, who would reduce them to submis-
sion if he could. 1 The Japanese were determined

*As it may be questioned whether the Japanese would use
such arguments, I may say that the account of the interview

THE FEW EEA 91

to give the Cabinet no time to regather its strength.
On the 17th of November, another conference be-
gan at two in the afternoon at the Legation, but
equally without result. Mr. Hayashi then advised
the Ministers to go to the palace and open a Cabi-
net Meeting in the presence of the Emperor. This
was done, the Japanese joining in.

All this time the Japanese Army had been mak-
ing a great display of military force around the
palace. All the Japanese troops in the district had
been for days parading the streets and open places
fronting the Imperial residence. The field-guns
were out, and the men were fully armed. They
marched, countermarched, stormed, made feint at-
tacks, occupied the gates, put their guns in posi-
tion, and did everything, short of actual violence,
that they could to demonstrate to the Koreans that
they were able to enforce their demands. To the
Cabinet Ministers themselves, and to the Emperor,
all this display had a sinister and terrible meaning.
They could not forget the night in 1895, when the
Japanese soldiers had paraded around another pal-
ace, and when their picked bullies had forced their
way inside and murdered the Queen. Japan had
done this before; why should she not do it again?
Not one of those now resisting the will of Dai
Nippon but saw the sword in front of his eyes, and

was given to me by one of the participating Korean Ministers,
and that he dealt at great length with the pro-Asian policy
suggested there. I asked him why he had not listened and
accepted. He replied that he knew what such arguments
meant. The unity of Asia when spoken of by Japanese meant
the supreme autocracy of their country.

92 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

heard in imagination a hundred times during the
day the rattle of the Japanese bullets.

That evening Japanese soldiers, with fixed bay-
onets, entered the courtyard of the palace and
stood near the apartment of the Emperor. Mar*
quis Ito now arrived, accompanied by General
Hasegawa, Commander of the Japanese Army in
Korea, and a fresh attack was started on the Cabi-
net Ministers. The Marquis demanded an audi-
ence of the Emperor. The Emperor refused to
grant it, saying that his throat was very bad, and
he was in great pain. The Marquis then made his
way into the Emperor's presence, and personally
requested an audience. The Emperor still refused.
" Please go away and discuss the matter with the
Cabinet Ministers," he said.

Thereupon Marquis Ito went outside to the Min-
isters. " Your Emperor has commanded you to
confer with me and settle this matter," he declared.
A fresh conference was opened. The presence of
the soldiers, the gleaming of the bayonets outside,
the harsh words of command that could be heard
through the windows of the palace buildings, were
not without their effect. The Ministers had fought
for days and they had fought alone. No single for-
eign representative had offered them help or coun-
sel. They saw submission or destruction before
them. "What is the use of our resisting?" said
one. " The Japanese always get their way in the
end." Signs of yielding began to appear. The
acting Prime Minister, Han Kew-sul, jumped to

THE NEW EEA. 93

his feet and said he would go and tell the Emperor
of the talk of traitors. Han Kew-sul was allowed
to leave the room and then was gripped by the Jap-
anese Secretary of the Legation, thrown into a
side-room and threatened with death. Even Mar-
quis Ito went out to him to persuade him. " Would
you not yield/' the Marquis said, " if your Emperor
commanded you?" "No," said Han Kew-sul,
"not even then!"

This was enough. The Marquis at once went to
the Emperor. "Han Kew-sul is a traitor," he
said. " He defies you, and declares that he will not
obey your commands."

Meanwhile the remaining Ministers waited in
the Cabinet Chamber. Where was their leader,
the man who had urged them all to resist to death?
Minute after minute passed, and still he did not re-
turn. Then a whisper went round that the Japa-
nese had killed him. The harsh voices of the
Japanese grew still more strident. Courtesy and
restraint were thrown off. " Agree with us and be
rich, or oppose us and perish." Pak Che-sun, the
Foreign Minister, one of the best and most capable
of Korean statesmen, was the last to yield. But
even he finally gave way. In the early hours of
the morning commands were issued that the seal
of State should be brought from the Foreign Min-
ister's apartment, and a treaty should be signed.
Here another difficulty arose. The custodian of
the seal had received orders in advance that, even
if his master commanded, the seal was not to be

94 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

surrendered for any such purpose. When tele-
phonic orders were sent to him, he refused to bring
the seal along, and special messengers had to be
despatched to take it from him by force. The Em-
peror himself asserts to this day that he did not
consent

The news of the signing of the treaty was re-
ceived by the people with horror and indignation.
Han Kew-sul, once he escaped from custody,
turned on his fellow-Ministers as one distraught,
and bitterly reproached them. "Why have you
broken your promises?" he cried. "Why have
you broken your promises? " The Ministers found
themselves the most hated and despised of men.
There was danger lest mobs should attack them
and tear them to pieces. Pak Che-sun shrank away
under the storm of execration that greeted him.
On December 6th, as he was entering the palace,
one of the soldiers lifted his rifle and tried to shoot
him. Pak Che-sun turned back, and hurried to the
Japanese Legation. There he forced his way into
the presence of Mr. Hayashi, and drew a knife.
" It is you who have brought me to this/' he cried.
" You have made me a traitor to my country." He
attempted to cut his own throat, but Mr. Hayashi
stopped him, and he was sent to hospital for
treatment. When he recovered he was chosen by
the Japanese as the new Prime Minister, Han Kew-
sul being exiled and disgraced. Pak did not, how-
ever, hold office for very long, being somewhat too
independent to suit his new masters.

THE NEW EBA 95

As the news spread through the country, the
people of various districts assembled, particularly
in the north, and started to march southwards to
die in front of the palace as a protest. Thanks to
the influence of the missionaries, many of them
were stopped. " It is of no use your dying in that
way," the missionaries told them. " You had bet-
ter live and make your country better able to hold
its own." A number of leading officials, including
all the surviving past Prime Ministers, and over a
hundred men who had previously held high office
under the Crown, went to the palace, and de-
manded that the Emperor should openly repudiate
the treaty, and execute those Ministers who had
acquiesced in it The Emperor tried to temporize
with them, for he was afraid that, if he took too
openly hostile an attitude, the Japanese would pun-
ish him. The memorialists sat down in the palace
buildings, refusing to move, and demanding an an-
swer. Some of their leaders were arrested by the
Japanese gendarmes, only to have others, still
greater men, take their place. The storekeepers
of the city put up their shutters to mark their
mourning.

At last a message came from the Emperor:
" Although affairs now appear to you to be danger-
ous, there may presently result some benefit to the
nation/' The gendarmes descended on the peti-
tioners and threatened them with general arrest if
they remained around the palace any longer. They
moved on to a shop where they tried to hold a

96 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

meeting, but they were turned out of it by the
police. Min Yong-whan, their leader, a former
Minister for War and Special Korean Ambassador
at Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee, went home.
He wrote letters to his friends lamenting the state
of his country, and then committed suicide. Sev-
eral other statesmen did the same, while many
others resigned. One native paper, the Whang
Sung Shiwibun, dared to print an exact statement of
what had taken place. Its editor was promptly ar-
rested, and thrown into prison, and the paper sup-
pressed. Its lamentation voiced the feeling of the
country :

" When it was recently made known the Marquis Ito
would come to Korea our deluded people all said, with
one voice, thai he is the man who will be responsible for
the maintenance of friendship between the three coun-
tries of the Far East (Japan, China, and Korea), and,
believing that his visit to Korea was for the sole purpose
of devising good plans for strictly maintaining the prom-
ised integrity and independence of Korea, our people,
from the seacoast to the capital, united in extending to
him a hearty welcome.

"But oh! How difficult is it to anticipate affairs in
this world. Without warning, a proposal containing five
clauses was laid before the Emperor, and we then saw
how mistaken we were about the object of Marquis Ito's
visit. However, the Emperor firmly refused to have any-
thing to do with these proposals and Marquis Ito should
then, properly, have abandoned his attempt and returned
to his own country.

" But the Ministers of our Government, who are worse
than pigs or dogs, coveting honours and advantages for
themselves, and frightened by empty threats, were
trembling in every limb, and were willing to become

THE NEW EEA 97

traitors to their country and betray to Japan the integrity
of a nation which has stood for 4,000 years, the founda-
tion and honour of a dynasty 500 years old, and the rights
and freedom of twenty million people.

"We do not wish to too deeply blame Pak Che-sun
and the other Ministers, of whom, as they are little better
than brute animals, too much was not to be expected,
but what can be said of the Vice-Prime Minister, the
chief of the Cabinet, whose early opposition to the pro-
posals of Marquis Ito was an empty form devised to
enhance his reputation with the people ?

" Can he not now repudiate the agreement or can he
not rid the world of his presence? How can he again
stand before the Emperor and with what face can he
ever look upon any one of his twenty million compa-
triots?

"Is it worth while for any of us to live any longer?
Our people have become the slaves of others, and the
spirit of a nation which has stood for 4,000 years, since
the days of Tun'Kun and Ke-ja has perished in a single
night. Alas ! fellow-countrymen. Alas ! "

Suicides, resignations, and lamentation were of
no avail. The Japanese gendarmes commanded
the streets, and the Japanese soldiers, behind them,
were ready to back up their will by the most un-
answerable of arguments force.

Naturally, as might have been expected by those
who know something of the character of the Japa-
nese, every effort was made to show that there
had been no breach of treaty promises. Korea
was still an independent country, and the dignity of
its Imperial house was still unimpaired. Japan
had only brought a little friendly pressure on a
weaker brother to assist him along the path of
progress. Such talk pleased the Japanese, and

98 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

helped them to reconcile the contrast between their
solemn promises and their actions. It deceived no
one else. Soon even, the Japanese papers made
little or no more talk of Korean independence.
" Korean independence is a farce," they said. And
for the time they were right.

The Emperor did his utmost to induce the
Powers, more particularly America, to intervene,
but in vain. The story of his efforts is an interest-
ing episode in the records of diplomacy.

Dr. Allen, the American Minister, wrote to his
Secretary of State, on April 14, 1904, telling of the
serious concern of the Korean Emperor over recent
happenings. " He falls back in his extremity upon
his old friendship with America. . . . The Em-
peror confidently expects that America will do
something for him at the close of this war, or when
opportunity offers, to retain for him as much of his
independence as is possible. He is inclined to give
a very free and favourable translation to Article I
of our treaty of Jenchuan of 1882" (L e., the
pledge, " If other Powers deal unjustly or oppress-
ively with either Government, the other will exert
their good offices, on being informed of the case, to
bring about an amicable arrangement, thus show-
ing their friendly feeling ").

In April, 1905, Dr. Allen transmitted to Wash-
ington copies of protests by an American mission-
ary and certain Koreans against the conduct of
Japanese subjects in Korea. Dr. Allen was shortly
afterwards replaced by Mr. Edwin V. Morgan.

THE NEW EBA 99

In October, 1905, the Emperor, determined to
appeal directly to America, enlisted the services of
Professor Homer B. Hulbert, editor of the Korea
Review, who had been employed continuously in
educational work in Seoul since 1886, and des-
patched him to Washington, with a letter to the
President of the United States. Mr. Hulbert in-
formed his Minister at Seoul of his mission and
started off. The Japanese learned of his departure
(Mr. Hulbert suggests that the American Minister
may have informed them) and used every effort to
force a decision before the letter could be delivered.

On the same day that Mr. Hulbert reached
Washington the Korean Cabinet were forced to
sign the document giving Japan a protectorate over
their land. Formal notification had not yet, how-
ever, arrived at Washington, so it was resolved not
to receive Mr. Hulbert until this had come.

" I supposed that the President would be not only will-
ing but eager to see the letter/* said Mr. Hulbert in a
statement presented later to the Senate; "but instead of
that I received the astounding answer that the President
would not receive it. I cast about in my own mind for
a possible reason, but could imagine none. I went to the
State Department with it, but was told that they were
too busy to see me. Remember that at that very moment
Korea was in her death throes ; that she was in full treaty
relations with us; that there was a Korean legation in
Washington and an American legation in Seoul. I de-
termined that there was something here that was ^ more
than mere carelessness. There was premeditation in^the
refusal. There was no other answer. They said I might
come the following day. I did so and was told that they

100 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

were still too busy, but might come the next day. I
hurried over to the White House and asked to be ad-
mitted. A secretaiy came out and without any prelim-
inary whatever told me in the lobby that they knew the
contents of the letter, but that the State Department was
the only place to go. I had to wait till the next day. But
on that same day, the day before I was admitted, the
administration, without a word to the Emperor or Govern-
ment of Korea or to the Korean Legation, and knowing
well the contents of the undelivered letter, accepted Ja-
pan's unsupported statement that it was all satisfactory
to the Korean Government and people, cabled our lega-
tion to remove from Korea, cut off all communication
with the Korean Government, and then admitted me with
the letter/'

On November 25th Mr. Hulberfc received a mes-
sage from Mr. Root that

" The letter from the Emperor of Korea which you in-
trusted to me has been placed in the President's hands
and read by him.

" In view of the fact that the Emperor desires that the
sending of the letter should remain secret, and of the
fact that since intrusting it to you the Emperor has made
a new agreement with Japan disposing of the whole
question to which the letter relates, it seems quite im-
practicable that any action should be based upon it"

On the following day Mr. Hulbert received a
cablegram from the Emperor, which had been des-
patched from Chefoo, in order not to pass over the
Japanese wires :

" I declare that the so-called treaty of protectorate re-
cently concluded between Korea and Japan was extorted
at the point of the sword and under duress and there-

THE NEW EBA 101

fore is null and void. I never consented to it and never
will. Transmit to American Government.

" THE EMPEROR OF KOREA."

Poor Emperor! Innocent simpleton to place
such trust in a written bond. Mr. Root had al-
ready telegraphed to the American Minister at
Seoul to withdraw from Korea and to return to the
United States.

No one supposes that the Washington authori-
ties were deceived by the statement of the Japanese
authorities or that they believed for one moment
that the treaty was secured in any other way than
by force. To imagine so would be an insult to
their intelligence. It must be remembered that
Japan was at this time at the very height of her
prestige. President Roosevelt was convinced,
mainly through the influence of his old friend, Mr.
George Kennan, that the Koreans were unfit for
self-government He was anxious to please Japan,
and therefore he deliberately refused to interfere.
His own explanation, given some years afterwards,
was:

" To be sure, by treaty it was solemnly covenanted that
Korea should remain independent But Korea itself was
helpless to enforce the treaty, and it was out of the ques-
tion to suppose that any other nation, with no interest of
its own at stake, would do for the Koreans what they
were utterly unable to do for themselves/ 1

There we have the essence of international
political morality.
The letter of the Emperor of Korea to the Presi-

102 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

dent of the United States makes interesting read-
ing:

" Ever since 1883 the United States and Korea have
been in friendly treaty relations. Korea has received
many proofs of the good will and the sympathy of the
American Government and people. The American Rep-
resentatives have always shown themselves to be in sym-
pathy with the welfare and progress of Korea. Many
teachers have been sent from America who have done
much for the uplift of our people.

" But we have not made the progress that we ought.
This is due partly to the political machinations of foreign
powers and partly to our mistakes. At the beginning of
the Japan-Russia war the Japanese Government asked
us to enter into an alliance with them, granting them the
use of our territory, harbours, and other resources, to
facilitate their military and naval operations. Japan, on
her part, guaranteed to preserve the independence of
Korea and the welfare and dignity of the royal house.
We complied with Japan 's request, loyally lived up to
our obligations, and did everything that we had stipulated.
By so doing we put ourselves in such a position that if
Russia had won, she could have seized Korea and an-
nexed her to Russian territory on the ground that we
were active allies of Japan.

" It is now apparent that Japan proposes to abrogate
their part of this treaty and declare a protectorate over
pur country in direct contravention of her sworn prom-
ise in the agreement of 1904. There are several reasons
why this should not be done.

" In the first place, Japan will stultify herself by such a
direct breach of faith. It will injure her prestige as a
power that proposes to work according to enlightened
laws.

" In the second place, the actions of Japan in Korea
during the past two years give no promise that our people
will be handled in an enlightened manner. No adequate
means have been provided whereby redress could be se-
cured for wrongs perpetrated upon our people. The

THE HEW EEA 103

finances of th'e country have been gravely mishandled by
Japan. Nothing has been done towards advancing the
cause of education or justice. Every move on Japan's
part has been manifestly selfish.

" The destruction of Korea's independence will work
her a great injury, because it will intensify the contempt
with which the Japanese people treat the Koreans and
will make their acts all the more oppressive.

"We acknowledge that many reforms are needed in
Korea. We are glad to have the help of Japanese ad-
visers, and we are prepared loyally to carry out their
suggestions. We recognize the mistakes of the past It
is not for ourselves we plead, but for the Korean people.

"At the beginning of the war our people gladly wel-
comed the Japanese, because this seemed to herald needed
reforms and a general bettering of conditions, but soon it
was seen that no genuine reforms were intended and
the people had been deceived.

" One of the gravest evils that will follow a protectorate
by Japan is that the Korean people will lose all incentive
to improvement. No hope will remain that they can ever
regain their independence. They need the spur of na-
tional feeling to make them determine upon progress and
to make them persevere in it But the extinction of
nationality will bring despair, and instead of working
loyally and gladly in conjunction with Japan, the old-time
hatred will be intensified and suspicion and animosity
will result.

" It has been said that sentiment should have no place
in such affairs, but we believe, sir, that sentiment is the
moving force in all human affairs, and that kindness,
sympathy, and generosity are still working between na-
tions as between individuals. We beg of you to bring
to bear upon this question the same breadth of mind and
the same calmness of judgment that have characterized
your course hitherto, and, having weighed the matter,
to render us what aid you can consistently in this our
time of national danger/'

[Private Seal of the Emperor of Korea.]

VI
THE RULE OF PRINCE ITO

MARQUIS ITO was made the first Japa-
nese Resident-General in Korea. There
could have been no better choice, and no
choice more pleasing to the Korean people. He was
regarded by the responsible men of the nation with
a friendliness such as few other Japanese inspired.
Here was a man greater than his policies. Every
one who came in contact with him felt that, what-
ever the nature of the measures he was driven to
adopt in the supposed interests of his Emperor, he
yet sincerely meant well by the Korean people.
The faults of his administration were the necessary
accompaniments of Japanese military expansion;
his virtues were his own. It was a noble act for
him to take on himself the most burdensome and
exacting post that Japanese diplomacy had to offer,
at an age when he might well have looked for the
ease and dignity of the close of an honour-sated
career.

The Marquis brought with him several capable
Japanese officials of high rank, and began his new
rule by issuing regulations fixing the position and
duties of his staff. Under these, the Resident-
General became in effect supreme Administrator of
Korea, with power to do what he pleased. He had

104

THE EULE OF PRINCE ITO 105

authority to repeal any order or measure that he
considered injurious to public interests, and he
could punish to the extent of not more than a year's
imprisonment or not more than a 200 yen fine*
This limitation of his punitive power was purely
nominal, for the country was under martial law and
the courts-martial had power to inflict death. Resi-
dents and Vice-Residents, of Japanese nationality,
were placed over the country, acting practically as
governors. The police were placed under Japanese
inspectors where they were not themselves Japa-
nese. The various departments of affairs, agri-
cultural, commercial, and industrial, were given
Japanese directors and advisers, and the power of
appointing all officials, save those of the highest
rank, was finally in the hands of the Resident-Gen-
eral. This limitation, again, was soon put on one
side. Thus, the Resident-General became dictator
of Korea a dictator, however, who still conducted
certain branches of local affairs there through na-
tive officials and who had to reckon with the in-
trigues of a Court party which he could not as yet
sweep on one side.

To Japan, Korea was chiefly of importance as a
strategic position for military operations on the
continent of Asia and as a field for emigration. The
first steps under the new administration were in the
direction of perfecting communications throughout
the country, so as to enable the troops to be moved
easily and rapidly from point to point. A railway
had already been built from. Fusan to Seoul, and

106 KOKEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

another was in course of completion from Seoul to
Wi-ju, thus giving a trunk line that would carry
large numbers of Japanese soldiers from Japan
itself to the borders of Manchuria in about thirty-
six hours. A loan of 10,000,000 yen was raised on
the guarantee of the Korean Customs, and a million
and a half of this was spent on four main military
roads, connecting some of the chief districts with
the principal harbours and railway centres. Part
of the cost of these was paid by the loan and part
by special local taxation. It may be pointed out
that these roads were military rather than indus-
trial undertakings. The usual methods of travel
and for conveying goods in the interior of Korea
was by horseback and with pack-ponies* For
these, the old narrow tracks served, generally
speaking, very well. The new roads were finely
graded, and were built in such a manner that rails
could be quickly laid down on them and artillery
and ammunition wagons rapidly conveyed from
point to point. Another railway was built from
Seoul to Gensan, on the east coast

The old Korean " Burglar Capture Office/' the
native equivalent to the Bow Street Runners, or
the Mulberry Street detectives, was abolished, as
were the local police, and police administration was
more and more put in the hands of special con-
stables brought over from Japan. The Japanese
military gendarmerie were gradually sent back and
their places taken by civilian constables. This
change was wholly for the good. The gendarmerie

THE RULE OF PBnSTCE ITO 107

had earned a very bad reputation in country parts
for harshness and arbitrary conduct. The civilian
police proved themselves far better men, more con-
ciliatory, and more just.

One real improvement instituted by the Resi-
dency-General was the closer control of Japanese
immigrants. Numbers of the worst offenders were
laid by the heels and sent back home. The Resi-
dency officials were increased in numbers, and in
some parts at least it became easier for a Korean
to obtain a hearing when he had a complaint
against a Japanese. The Marquis Ito spoke con-
stantly in favour of a policy of conciliation and
friendship, and after a time he succeeded in winning
over the cooperation of some of the foreigners.

It became more and more clear, however, that
the aim of the Japanese was nothing else than the
entire absorption of the country and the destruction
of every trace of Korean nationality. One of
the most influential Japanese in Korea put this
quite frankly to me in 1906. "You must un-
derstand that I am not expressing official
views/* he told me. " But if you ask me as an
individual what is to be the outcome of our
policy, I only see one end. This will take sev-
eral generations, but it must come. The Korean
people will be absorbed by the Japanese. They
will talk our language, live our life, and be an in-
tegral part of us. There are only two ways of
colonial administration. One is to rule over the
people as aliens. This you British have done in

108 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

India, and therefore your Empire cannot endure.
India must pass out of your rule. The second way
is to absorb the people. This is what we will do.
We will teach them our language, establish our
institutions, and make them one with us."

The policy of the new administration towards
foreigners was one of gradual, but no less sure, ex-
clusion. Everything that could be done was done
to rob the white man of what prestige was yet left
to him. Careful and systematic efforts were made,
in particular, by the Japanese newspapers and some
of the officials to make the native Christian con-
verts turn from their American teachers, and throw
in their lot with the Japanese. The native press,
under Japanese editorship, systematically preached
anti-white doctrines. Any one who mixed freely
with the Korean people heard from them, time after
time, of the principles the Japanese would fain have
them learn. I was told of this by ex-Cabinet
Ministers, by young students, and even by native
servants. One of my own Korean " boys " put the
matter in a nutshell to me one day. He raised the
question of the future of Japan in Asia, and he sum-
marized the new Japanese doctrines very succinctly.
" Master," he said to me, " Japanese man wanchee
all Asia be one, with Japanese man topside. All
Japanese man wanchee this; some Korean man
wanchee, most no wanchee; all Chinaman no
wanchee."

It may be thought that the Japanese would at
least have learnt from their experience in 1895 not

THE EULE OF PEINCE ITO 109

to attempt to interfere with the dress or personal
habits of the people. Nothing among all their
blunders during the earlier period was more dis-
astrous to them than the regulations compelling the
men to cut off their topknots. These did Japan
greater harm among the common people than even
the murder of the Queen. Yet no sooner had
Japan established herself again than once more
sumptuary regulations were issued. The first was
an order against wearing white dress in winter-
time. People were to attire themselves in nothing
but dark-coloured garments, and those who re-
fused to obey were coerced in many ways. The
Japanese did not at once insist on a general system
of hair-cutting, but they brought the greatest pres-
sure to bear on all in any way under their authority.
Court officials, public servants, magistrates, and the
like, were commanded to cut their hair. Officials
were evidently instructed to make every one who
came under their influence have his topknot off.
The II Chin Hoi, the pro- Japanese society, followed
in the same line. European dress was forced on
those connected with the Court The national cos-
tume, like the national language, was, if possible, to
die. Ladies of the Court were ordered to dress
themselves in foreign style. The poor ladies in
consequence found it impossible to show them-
selves in any public place, for they were greeted
with roars of derision.

The lowered status of the white in Korea could
be clearly seen by the attitude of many of the Japa-

110 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

nese towards him. I heard stories from friends of
my own, residents in the country, quiet and in-
offensive people that made my blood boil. It was
difficult, for instance, to restrain one's indignation
when a missionary lady told you of how she was
walking along the street when a Japanese soldier
hustled up against her and deliberately struck her
in the breast. The Roman Catholic bishop was
openly insulted and struck by Japanese soldiers in
his own cathedral, and nothing was done. The
story of Mr. and Mrs. Weigall typifies others. Mr.
Weigall is an Australian mining engineer, and was
travelling up north with his wife and assistant, Mr.
Taylor, and some Korean servants, in December,
1905. He had full authorizations and passports,
and was going about his business in a perfectly
proper manner. His party was stopped at one
point by some Japanese soldiers, and treated in a
fashion which it is impossible fully to describe in
print. They were insulted, jabbed at with bay-
onets, and put under arrest. One soldier held his
gun close to Mrs. Weigall and struck her full in
the chest with his closed fist when she moved.
The man called them by the most insulting names
possible, keeping the choicest phrases for the lady.
Their servants were kicked. Finally they were
allowed to go away after a long delay and long
exposure to bitter weather, repeated insults being
hurled after them. The British authorities took
up this case. There was abundant evidence, and
there could be no dispute about the facts. All the

THE ETJLE OF PEIKOE ITO 111

satisfaction, however, that the Weigalls could ob-
tain was a nominal apology.

Then there was the case of the Rev. Mr. McRae,
a Canadian missionary living in northeastern
Korea. Mr. McRae had obtained some land for
a mission station, and the Japanese military author-
ities there wanted it They drove stakes into part
of the property, and he thereupon represented the
case to the Japanese officials, and after at least
twice asking them to remove their stakes, he pulled
them up himself. The Japanese waited until a
fellow-missionary, who lived with Mr. McRae, had
gone away on a visit, and then six soldiers entered
his compound and attacked him. He defended
himself so well that he finally drove them of?, al-
though he received some bad injuries, especially
from the blows from one of the men's rifles. Com-
plaint was made to the chief authorities, and, in
this case, the Japanese promised to punish the of-
ficer concerned. But there were dozens of in-
stances affecting Europeans of all ranks, from con-
sular officials to chance visitors. In most cases the
complaints were met by a simple denial on the part
of the Japanese. Even where the offence was ad-
mitted and punishment was promised, the Euro-
peans would assure you that the men, whom it had
been promised to imprison, came and paraded them-
selves outside their houses immediately afterwards
in triumph. In Korea, as in Formosa, the policy
was and is to humiliate the white man by any means
and in any way.

112 KOEBA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

Two regulations of the Japanese, apparently
framed in the interests of the Koreans, proved to be
a dangerous blow at their rights. New land laws
were drawn up, by which fresh title-deeds were
given for the old and complicated deeds of former
times. As the Koreans, however, pointed out,
large numbers of people held their land in such a
way that it was impossible for them to prove their
right by written deeds. Until the end of 1905 large
numbers of Koreans went abroad to Honolulu and
elsewhere as labourers. The Residency-General
then framed new emigration laws, nominally to
protect the natives, which have had the result of
making the old systematic emigration impossible.
Families who would fain have escaped the Japanese
rule and establish themselves in other lands had
every possible hindrance put in their way.

Act after act revealed that the Japanese con-
sidered Korea and all in it belonged to them. Did
they want a thing? Then let them take it, and woe
be to the man who dared to hinder them! This
attitude was illustrated in an interesting fashion by
a bit of vandalism on the part of Viscount Tanaka,
Special Envoy from the Mikado to the Korean
Emperor. When the Viscount was in Seoul, late
in 190G, he was approached by a Japanese curio-
dealer, who pointed out to him that there was a
very famous old Pagoda in the district of P'ung-
duk, a short distance from Song-do. This Pagoda
was presented to Korea by the Chinese Imperial
Court a thousand years ago, and the people be-

THE BULB OP PBISTCE ITO 113

lieved that the stones of which it was constructed
possessed great curative qualities- They named it
the " Medicine King Pagoda " ( Yakwang Top), and
its fame was known throughout the country. It was
a national memorial as much as the Monument near
London Bridge is a national memorial for English-
men or the Statue of Liberty for Americans. Vis-
count Tanaka is a great curio-collector, and when
he heard of this Pagoda, he longed for it He men-
tioned his desire to the Korean Minister for the
Imperial Household, and the Minister told him to
take it if he wanted it. A few days afterwards,
Viscount Tanaka, when bidding the Emperor fare-
well, thanked him for the gift The Korean Em-
peror looked blank, and said that he did not know
what the Viscount was talking about He had
heard nothing of it

However, before long, a party of eighty Japa-
nese, including a number of gendarmes, well
armed and ready for resistance, swooped down on
Song-do. They took the Pagoda to pieces and
placed the stones on carts* The people of the dis-
trict gathered round them, threatened them, and
tried to attack them. But the Japanese were too
strong. The Pagoda was conveyed in due course
to Tokyo.

Such an outrage could not go unnoticed. The
story of the loss spread over the country and
reached the foreign press. Defenders of the Japa-
nese at first declared that it was an obvious and
incredible lie. The Japan Mail in particular opened

114 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

the vials of its wrath and poured them upon the
head of the editor of the Korea Daily News the
English daily publication in Seoul who had dared
to tell the tale. His story was " wholly incredible."
" It is impossible to imagine any educated man of
ordinary intelligence foolish enough to believe such
a palpable lie, unless he be totally blinded by preju-
dice." The Mail discovered here again another
reason for supporting its plea for the suppression
of " a wholly unscrupulous and malevolent mis-
chief-maker like the Korea Daily News." " The
Japanese should think seriously whether this kind
of thing is to be tamely suffered. In allowing such
charges at the door of the Mikado's Special Envoy
who is also Minister of the Imperial Household, the
Korea Daily News deliberately insults the Mikado
himself. There is indeed the reflection that this
extravagance will not be without compensation,
since it will demonstrate conclusively, if any demon-
stration were needed, how completely unworthy of
credence have been the slanders hitherto ventilated
by the Seoul journal to bring the Japanese into
odium/'

There were instant demands for denials, for ex-
planations, and for proceedings against the wicked
libeller. Then it turned out that the story was
true, and, in the end, the Japanese officials had to
admit its truth. It was said, as an excuse, that the
Resident-General had not given his consent to the
theft, and that Viscount Tanaka did not intend to
keep the Pagoda himself, but to present it to the

THE EULE OF PEINCE ITO 115

Mikado. The organ of the Residency-General in
Seoul, the Seoul Press, made the best excuse it
could. " Viscount Tanaka," it said, " is a con-
scientious official, liked and respected by those
who know him, whether foreign or Japanese, but
he is an ardent virtuoso and collector, and it ap-
pears that in this instance his collector's eagerness
got the better of his sober judgment and dis-
cretion." But excuses, apologies, and regrets not-
withstanding, the Pagoda was not returned.

It may be asked why the white people living in
Korea did not make the full facts about Korea
known at an earlier date. Some did attempt it, but
the strong feeling that existed abroad in favour of
the Japanese people a feeling due to their magnifi-
cent conduct during the war caused complaints
to go unheeded. Many missionaries, while in-
dignant at the injury done to their native neigh-
bours, counselled patience, believing that the abuses
were temporary and would soon come to an end.

At the beginning of the war every foreigner
except a small group of pro- Russians, sympathized
with Japan. We had all been alienated by the
follies and mistakes of the Russian Far Eastern
policy. We saw Japan at her best, and we all be-
lieved that her people would act well by this weaker
race. Our favourable impressions were strength-
ened by the first doings of the Japanese soldiers,
and when scandals were whispered, and oppression
began to appear, we all looked upon them as
momentary disturbances due to a condition of war.

116 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

We were unwilling to believe anything but the best,
and it took some time to destroy our favourable
prepossessions. I speak here not only for myself,
but for many another white man in Korea at the
time.

I might support this by many quotations.^! take,
for instance, Professor Hulbert, the editor of the
Korea Review, to-day one of the most persistent and
active critics of Japanese policy. At the opening of
the war Professor Hulbert used all his influence
in favour of Japan.

"What Korea wants/' he wrote, "is education, and
until steps are taken in that line there is no use in hoping
for a genuinely independent Kprea. Now, we believe
that a large majority of the best-informed Koreans realize
that Japan and Japanese influence stand for education
and enlightenment, and that while the paramount in-
fluence of any one outside Power is in some sense a
humiliation, the paramount influence of Japan will give
far less genuine cause for humiliation than has the para-
mount influence of Russia. Russia secured her predomi-
nance by pandering to the worst elements in Korean
officialdom. Japan holds it by strength of arm, but she
holds it in such a way that it gives promise of something
better. The word reform never passed the Russians'
lips. It is the insistent cry of Japan. The welfare of
the Korean people never showed its head above the
Russian horizon, but it fills the whole vision of Japan;
not from altruistic motives mainly but because the pros-
perity of Korea and that of Japan rise and fall with the
same tide/' *

Month after month, when stories of trouble came
from the interior, the Korea Review endeavoured to
1 Korea Review, February, 1904,

THE RULE OF PBINCE ITO 117

give the best explanation possible for them, and to
reassure the public. It was not until the editor was
forced thereto by consistent and sustained Japanese
misgovernment that he reversed his attitude.

Foreign visitors of influence were naturally
drawn to the Japanese rather than to the Koreans.
They found in the officials of the Residency-General
a body of capable and delightful men, who knew the
Courts of Europe, and were familiar with world
affairs. On the other hand, the Korean spokes-
men had no power or skill in putting their case so
as to attract European sympathy. One dis-
tinguished foreigner, who returned home and wrote
a book largely given up to laudation of the Japa-
nese and contemptuous abuse of the Koreans, ad-
mitted that he had never, during his journey, had
any contact with Koreans save those his Japanese
guides brought to him. Some foreign journalists
were also at first blinded in the same way.

Such a state of affairs obviously could not last.
Gradually the complaints of the foreign community
became louder and louder, and visiting publicists
began to take more notice of them.

The main credit for defending the cause of the
Korean people at that time must be given to a
young English journalist, editor of the Korea Daily
Nezvs. Mr. Beth ell took up an attitude of strong
hostility to the Nagamori land scheme, and came,
in consequence, in sharp hostility to the Japanese
officials. This naturally led to his close association
with the Korean Court. The Daily News became

118 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

openly pro-Korean; its one daily edition was
changed into two separate papers one, the Dai
Han Mai II Shinpo, printed in the Korean language,
and the other, printed in English, still calling itself
by the old name. Several of us thought that Mr.
Bethell at first weakened his case by extreme ad-
vocacy and by his indulgence in needlessly vin-
dictive writing. Yet it must be remembered, in
common justice to him, that he was playing a very
difficult part The Japanese were making his life
as uncomfortable as they possibly could, and were
doing everything to obstruct his work. His mails
were constantly tampered with; his servants were
threatened or arrested on various excuses, and his
household was subjected to the closest espionage.
He displayed surprising tenacity, and held on
month after month without showing any sign of
yielding. The complaint of extreme bitterness
could not be urged against his journal to the same
extent after the spring of 1907. From that time he
adopted a more quiet and convincing tone. He at-
tempted on many occasions to restrain what he con-
sidered the unwise tactics of some Korean ex-
tremists. He did* his best to influence public
opinion against taking up arms to fight Japan.

Failing to conciliate the editor, the Japanese
sought to destroy him. In order to cut the ground
from under his feet an opposition paper, printed in
English, was started, with an able Japanese jour-
nalist, Mr. Zumoto, Prince Ito's leading spokesman
in the press, as editor. Few could have done the

THE EULE OF PEINCE ITO 119

work better than Mr. Zumoto, but his paper, the
Seoul Press, failed to destroy the Daily News.

Diplomacy was now brought into play. During
the summer of 1906, the Japanese caused the trans-
lations of a number of articles from the Dai Han
Mai II Shinpo (the Korean edition of the Daily Mail)
to be submitted to the British Government, with a
request that Mr. Bethell's journal might be sup-
pressed.

On Saturday, October 12th, Mr. Bethell received
a summons to appear on the following Monday at
a specially appointed Consular Court, to answer the
charge of adopting a course of action likely to cause
a breach of the peace.

The trial took place in the Consular building, Mr.
Cockburn, the very able British Consul-General,
acting as Judge. The short notice made it impos-
sible for Mr. Bethell to obtain legal aid, as there
were no British lawyers nearer than Shanghai or
Kobe. He had to plead his cause under great dis-
advantages.

Eight articles were produced in court. Six were
comments on or descriptions of fighting then taking
place in the interior. They were no stronger, if
as strong, as many of the statements published in
this book.

The Consul-General's decision was as anticipated.
He convicted the editor, and ordered him to enter
into recognizances of 300 to be of good behaviour
for six months. The Korea Daily News in comment-
ing on the matter, said, " The effect of this judg-

120 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

ment is that for a period of six months this news-
paper will be gagged, and therefore no further re-
ports of Japanese reverses can be published in our
columns/'

In June, 1908, Mr. Bethell was again prosecuted
at a specially convened court at Seoul, presided over
by Judge Bourne of Shanghai. The charge, made
by Yagoro Miura, Secretary to the Residency-Gen-
eral and Resident for Seoul, was of publishing vari-
ous articles calculated to excite disorder and to stir
up enmity between the Government of Korea and
its subjects.

Mr. Bethell was represented by counsel and ap-
plied to have the case heard before a jury. The
application was refused. He was convicted, sen-
tenced to three weeks* imprisonment and required
to give security for good behaviour for six months.
He did not very long survive his sentence.

The people of Korea cherish his memory, and
thejiame^of " Beth-ell," as they call him, is already
becoming traditional. "We are going to build a
great statue to Beth-ell some day," they say. " We
will never forget the man who was our friend, and
who went to prison for us."

VII
THE ABDICATION OP YI HYEUNG

kHE Court party was from the first the
strongest opponent of the Japanese.
Patriotism, tradition, and selfish interests
all combined to intensify the resistance of its mem-
bers. Some officials found their profits threatened,
some mourned for perquisites that were cut off,
some were ousted out of their places to make room
for Japanese, and most felt a not unnatural anger
to see men of another race quietly assume authority
over their Emperor and their country. The Em-
peror led the opposition. Old perils had taught
him cunning. He knew a hundred ways to feed
the stream of discontent, without himself coming
forward. Unfortunately there was a fatal strain
of weakness in his character. He would support
vigorous action in secret, and then, when men
translated his speech into deeds, he would disavow
them at the bidding of the Japanese. On one point
he never wavered. All attempts to make him for-
mally consent to the treaty of November, 1905,
were in vain. " I would sooner die first! " he cried.
" I would sooner take poison and end all ! "
In July, 1906, the Marquis Ito began to exercise

121

122 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

stronger constraint on the personal life of the Em-
peror. One evening a number of Japanese police
were brought into the palace. The old palace
guards were withdrawn, and the Emperor was
made virtually a prisoner. Police officers were
posted at each gate, and no one was allowed in or
out without a permit from a Japanese-nominated
official. At the same time many of the old palace
attendants were cleared out. The Resident-Gen-
eral thought that if the Emperor were isolated from
his friends, and if he were constantly surrounded by
enthusiastic advocates of Japan, he might be coerced
or influenced into submission. Yet here Marquis
Ito had struck against a vein of obstinacy and de-
termination that he could scarce have reckoned
with.

The Emperor had taken every opportunity to
send messages abroad protesting against the treaty.
He managed, time after time, still to hold communi-
cation with his friends, but the Japanese took good
care that traitors should come to him and be loud-
est in their expressions of loyalty. Little that he
did but was immediately known to his captors. In
the early summer of 1907 the Emperor thought
that he saw his chance at last of striking a blow for
freedom through the Hague Conference. He was
still convinced that if he could only assure the
Powers that he had never consented to the treaty
robbing Korea of its independence, they would then
send their Ministers back to Seoul and cause Japan
to relax her hand. Accordingly, amid great secrecy,

THE ABDICATION OF YI HYETTNG 123

three Korean delegates of high rank were provided
with funds and despatched to the Hague under the
guardianship of Mr. Hulbert. They reached the
Hague only to be refused a hearing. The Confer-
ence would have nothing to say to them.

This action on the part of the Emperor gave the
Japanese an excuse they had long been looking for.
The formation of the Korean Cabinet had been
altered months before in anticipation of such a
crisis, and the Cabinet Ministers were now nomi-
nated not by the Emperor, but by the Resident-
General. The Emperor had been deprived of ad-
ministrative and executive power. The Marquis
Ito had seen to it that the Ministers were wholly
his tools. The time had come when his tools were
to cut. The Japanese Government assumed an atti-
tude of silent wrath. It could not allow such of-
fences to go unpunished, its friends declared, but
what punishment it would inflict it refused to say.

Proceedings were much more cleverly stage-
managed than in November, 1905. Nominally, the
Japanese had nothing to do with the abdication of
the Emperor. Actually the Cabinet Ministers held
their gathering at the Residency-General to decide
on their policy, and did as they were instructed.
They went to the Emperor and demanded that he
should abandon the throne to save his country from
being swallowed up by Japan. At first he refused,
upon which their insistence grew greater. No news
of sympathy or help reached him from foreign
lands. Knowing the perils surrounding him, he

124 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

thought that he would trick them all by a simple
device. He would make his son, the Crown Prince,
temporary Emperor, using a Chinese ideograph for
his new title which could scarce be distinguished
from the title giving him final and full authority.
Here he overreached himself, for, once out, he was
out for good. On July 19th, at six o'clock in the
morning, after an all-night conference, the Em-
peror was persuaded to abdicate.

The new Emperor, feeble of intellect, could be
little more than a tool in the hands of his advisers.
His father, however, intended to remain by his side,
and to rule through him. In less than a week the
Japanese had prepared a new treaty, providing still
more strictly for the absolute control of everything
in the country by Japan. The six curt clauses of
this measure were as far-reaching as they could
possibly be made. No laws were to be acted upon
or important measures taken by the Government
unless the consent and approval of the Resident-
General had been previously given. All officials
were to hold their positions at the pleasure of the
Resident-General, and the Government of Korea
agreed to appoint any Japanese the Resident-Gen-
eral might recommend to any post Finally, the
Government of Korea was to engage no foreigner
without the consent of the Japanese head.

A few days later a fresh rescript was issued in
the name of the new Emperor, ordering the dis-
bandment of the Korean Army. This was written
in the most insulting language possible, te Our ex-

THE ABDICATION OP YI HYETJITG 125

isting army which is composed of mercenaries, is
unfit for the purposes of national defence," it de-
clared. It was to make way " for the eventual
formation of an efficient army," To add to the in-
sult, the Korean Premier, Yi, was ordered to write
a request to the Resident-General, begging him to
employ the Japanese forces to prevent disturbances
when the disbandment took place. It was as though
the Japanese, having their heel on the neck of the
enemy, slapped his face to show their contempt for
him. On the morning of August 1st some of the
superior officers of the Korean Army were called
to the residence of the Japanese commander, Gen-
eral Hasegawa, and the Order was read to them.
They were told that they were to assemble their
men next morning, without arms, and to dismiss
them after paying them gratuities, while at the
same time their weapons would be secured in their
absence.

One officer, Major Pak, commander of the smart-
est and best of the Korean battalions, returned to
his barracks in despair, and committed suicide.
His men learnt of what had happened and rose in
mutiny. They burst upon their Japanese military
instructors and nearly killed them. They then
forced open the ammunition-room, secured weapons
and cartridges, posted themselves behind the win-
dows of their barracks, and fired at every Japanese
they saw. News quickly reached the authorities,
and Japanese companies of infantry hurried out and
surrounded their barracks. One party attacked the

126 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBBEDOM

front with a machine-gun, and another assaulted
from behind. Fighting began at half-past eight in
the morning. The Koreans defended themselves
until noon, and then were finally overcome by a
bayonet charge from the rear. Their gallant de-
fence excited the greatest admiration even among
their enemies, and it was notable that for a few
days at least the Japanese spoke with more respect
of Korea and the Korean people than they had ever
done before.

Only one series of incidents disgraced the day.
The Japanese soldiers behaved well and treated the
wounded well, but that night parties of low-class
bullies emerged from the Japanese quarter, seeking
victims. They beat, they stabbed and murdered
any man they could find whom they suspected of
being a rebel. Dozens of them would set on one
helpless victim and do him to death. This was
stopped as soon as the Residency-General knew
what was happening, and a number of offenders
were arrested.

Late in August the new Emperor of Korea was
crowned amid the sullen silence of a resentful peo-
ple. Of popular enthusiasm there was none. A
few flags were displayed in the streets by the order
of the police. In olden times a coronation had been
marked by great festivities, lasting many weeks.
Now there was gloom, apathy, indifference. News
was coming in hourly from the provinces of up-
risings and murders. The II Chin Hoi they call
themselves reformers, but the nation has labelled

THE ABDICATION OP YI HYETOTG 127

them traitors attempted to make a feast, but the
people stayed away. "This is the day not for
feasting but for the beginning of a year of mourn-
ing," men muttered one to the other.

The Japanese authorities who controlled the
coronation ceremony did all they could to minimize
it and to prevent independent outside publicity. In
this they were well advised. No one who looked
upon the new Emperor as he entered the hall of
state, his shaking frame upborne by two officials,
or as he stood later, with open mouth, fallen jaw,
indifferent eyes, and face lacking even a flickering
gleam of intelligent interest, could doubt that the
fewer who saw this the better. Yet the ceremony,
even when robbed of much of its ancient pomp and
all its dignity, was unique and picturesque.

The main feature of this day was not so much
the coronation itself as the cutting of the Emperor's
topknot

On the abdication of the old Emperor, the Cab-
inet who were enthusiastic hair-cutters saw their
opportunity. The new Emperor was informed that
his hair must be cut. He did not like it. He
thought that the operation would be painful, and
he was quite satisfied with his hair as it was. Then
his Cabinet showed him a brilliant uniform, covered
with gold lace. He was henceforth to wear that
on ceremonial occasions, and not his old Korean
dress. How could he put on the plumed hat of a
Generalissimo with a topknot in the way? The
Cabinet were determined. A few hours later a

128 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

proclamation was spread through the land inform-
ing all dutiful subjects that the Emperor's topknot
was coming off, and urging them to imitate him.

A new Court servant was appointed the High
Imperial Hair-cutter. He displayed his uniform in
the streets around the palace, a sight for the gods.
He strutted along in white breeches, voluminous
white frock-coat, white shoes, and black silk hat,
the centre of attention.

Early in the morning there was a great scene in
the palace. The Imperial Hair-cutter was in at-
tendance. A group of old Court officials hung
around the Emperor. With blanched faces and
shaking voices they implored him not to abandon
the old ways. The Emperor paused, fearful.
What power would be filched from him by the
shearing of his locks? But there could be no hesi-
tating now. Resolute men were behind who knew
what they were going to see done. A few minutes
later the great step was taken.

The Residency-General arranged the coronation
ceremony in such a manner as to include as many
Japanese and to exclude as many foreigners as
possible. There were nearly a hundred Japanese
present, including the Mayor of the Japanese settle-
ment and the Buddhist priest. There were only
six white men five Consuls-General and Bishop
Turner, chief of the Anglican Church in Korea.
The Japanese came arrayed in splendid uniforms.
It was part of the new Japanese policy to attire
even the most minor officials in sumptuous Court

THE ABDICATION OF YI EYEUNG 129

dress, with much gold lace and many orders. This
enabled Japan to make a brilliant show in official
ceremonies, a thing not without effect in Oriental
Courts.

Shortly before ten o'clock the guests assembled
in the throne-room of the palace, a modern apart-
ment with a raised dais at one end. There were
Koreans to the left and Japanese to the right of the
Emperor, with the Cabinet in the front line on one
side and the Residency-General officials on the
other. The foreigners faced the raised platform.

The new Emperor appeared, borne to the plat-
form by the Lord Chamberlain and the Master of
the Household. He was dressed in the ancient
costume of his people, a flowing blue garment
reaching to the ankles, with a robe of softer cream
colour underneath. On his head was a quaint
Korean hat, with a circle of Korean ornaments
hanging from its high, outstanding horsehair brim.
On his chest was a small decorative breastplate.
Tall, clumsily built, awkward, and vacant-looking
such was the Emperor.

In ancient days all would have kow-towed before
him, and would have beaten their foreheads on the
ground. Now no man did more than bow, save
one Court herald, who knelt. Weird Korean music
started in the background, the beating of drums and
the playing of melancholy wind instruments. The
Master of Ceremonies struck up a chant, which
hidden choristers continued. Amid silence, the
Prime Minister, in smart modern attire, advanced

130 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

and read a paper of welcome. The Emperor stood
still, apparently the least interested man in the
room. He did not even look bored simply vacant.

After this there was a pause in the proceedings.
The Emperor retired and the guests went into the
anterooms. Soon all were recalled, and the Em-
peror reappeared. There had been a quick change
in the meantime. He was now wearing his new
modern uniform, as Generalissimo of the Korean
Army. Two high decorations one, if I mistake
not, from the Emperor of Japan hung on his
breast. He looked much more manly in his new
attire. In front of him was placed his new head-
dress, a peaked cap with a fine plume sticking up
straight in front. The music now was no longer
the ancient Korean, but modern airs from the very
fine European-trained band attached to the palace.
The Korean players had gone, with the old dress
and the old life, into limbo.

The Japanese Acting Resident-General and mili-
tary commander, General Baron Hasegawa, strong
and masterful-looking, stepped to the front with a
message of welcome from his Emperor. He was
followed by the doyen of the Consular Corps, M.
Vincart, with the Consular greetings. This Con-
sular message had been very carefully sub-edited,
and all expressions implying that the Governments
of the different representatives approved of the pro-
ceedings had been eliminated. Then the corona-
tion was over.

Two figures were conspicuous by their absence.

VIII
A JOURNEY TO THE " RIGHTEOUS ARMY "

IT was in the autumn of 1906. The Korean
Emperor had been deposed and his army dis-
banded. The people of Seoul, sullen, resent-
ful, yet powerless, victims of the apathy and folly
of their sires, and of their own indolence, saw their
national existence filched from them, and scarce
dared utter a protest. The triumphant Japanese
soldiers stood at the city gates and within the pal-
ace. Princes must obey their slightest wish, even
to the cutting of their hair and the fashioning of
their clothes. General Hasegawa's guns com-
manded every street, and all men dressed in white
need walk softly.

But it soon became clear that there were men
who had not taken the filching of their national in-
dependence lightly. Refugees from distant vil-
lages, creeping after nightfall over the city wall,
brought with them marvellous tales of the happen-
ings in the provinces. District after district, they
said, had risen against the Japanese. A " Right-
eous Army " had been formed, and was accom-
plishing amazing things. Detachments of Japanese
had been annihilated and others driven back.
Sometimes the Japanese, it is true, were victorious,

132

A JOUBNEY TO THE " BXGHTEOTJS AEMT 133

and then they took bitter vengeance, destroying a
whole countryside and slaughtering the people in
wholesale fashion. So the refugees said.

How far were these stories true? I am bound
to say that I, for one, regarded them with much
scepticism. Familiar as I was with the offences of
individual Japanese in the country, it seemed im-
possible that outrages could be carried on sys-
tematically by the Japanese Army under the direc-
tion of its officers. I was with a Japanese army
during the war against Russia, and had marked
and admired the restraint and discipline of the men
of all ranks there. They neither stole nor out-
raged. Still more recently I had noted the action
of the Japanese soldiers when repressing the upris-
ing in Seoul itself. Yet, whether the stories of the
refugees were true or false, undeniably some inter-
esting fighting was going on.

By the first week in September it was clear that
the area of trouble covered the eastern provinces
from near Fusan to the north of Seoul The rebels
were evidently mainly composed of discharged sol-
diers and of hunters from the hills. We heard in
Seoul that trained officers of the old Korean Army
were drilling and organizing them into volunteer
companies. The Japanese were pouring fresh
troops into these centres of trouble, but the rebels,
by an elaborate system of mountain-top signalling,
were avoiding the troops and making their attacks
on undefended spots. Reports showed that they
badly armed and lacked ammunition, and

134 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOR FBEEDOM

there seemed to be no effective organization for
sending them weapons from the outside.

The first rallying-place of the malcontent Koreans
was in a mountain district from eighty to ninety
miles east of Seoul. Here lived many famous
Korean tiger-hunters. These banded themselves
together under the title of Eui-pyung (the " Right-
eous Army"). They had conflicts with small
parties of Japanese troops and secured some minor
successes. When considerable Japanese reinforce-
ments arrived they retired to some mountain passes
further back.

The tiger-hunters, sons of the hills, iron-nerved,
and operating in their own country, were naturally
awkward antagonists even for the best regular
troops. They were probably amongst the boldest
sportsmen in the world, and they formed the most
picturesque and romantic section of the rebels.
Their only weapon was an old-fashioned percussion
gun, with long barrel and a brass trigger seven to
eight inches in length. Many of them fired not from
the shoulder, but from the hip. They never missed.
They could only fire one charge in an attack, owing
to the time required to load. They were trained to
stalk the tiger, to come quite close to it, and then to
kill it at one shot. The man who failed once died;
the tiger attended to that.

Some of the stories of Korean successes reaching
Seoul were at the best improbable. The tale of
one fight, however, came to me through so many
different and independent sources that there was

A JOUENET TO THE " EIGHTEOUS AEMY 135

reason to suspect it had substantial foundation. It
recalled the doings of the people of the Tyrol in
their struggle against Napoleon. A party of Japa-
nese soldiers, forty-eight in number, were guarding
a quantity of supplies from point to point. The
Koreans prepared an ambuscade in a mountain val-
ley overshadowed by precipitous hills on either side.
When the troops reached the centre of the valley
they were overwhelmed by a flight of great boulders
rolled on them from the hilltops, and before the
survivors could rally a host of Koreans rushed upon
them and did them to death.

Proclamations by Koreans were smuggled into
the capital. Parties of Japanese troops were con-
stantly leaving Chinkokai, the Japanese quarter in
Seoul, for the provinces. There came a public
notice from General Hasegawa himself, which
showed the real gravity of the rural situation. It
ran as follows :

" I, General Baron Yoshimichi Hasegawa, Commander
of the Army of Occupation in Korea, make the follow-
ing announcement to each and every one of the people
of Korea throughout all the provinces. Taught by the
natural trend of affairs in the world and impelled by
the national need of political regeneration, the Govern-
ment of Korea, in obedience to His Imperial Majesty's
wishes, is now engaged in the task of reorganizing the
various institutions of State. But those who are igno-
rant of the march of events in the world and who fail
correctly to distinguish loyalty from treason have by
wild and baseless rumours instigated people's minds and
caused the rowdies in various places to rise in insurrection.
These insurgents commit all sorts of horrible crimes, such
as murdering peaceful people, both native and foreign,

136 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

robbing their property, burning official and private build-
ings, and destroying means of communication. Their
offences are such as are not tolerated by Heaven or
earth. They affect to be loyal and patriotic and call
themselves volunteers. But none the less they are law-
breakers, who oppose their Sovereign's wishes concern-
ing political regeneration and who work the worst pos-
sible harm to their country and people.

" Unless they are promptly suppressed the trouble may
assume really calamitous proportions. I am charged by
His Majesty, the Emperor of Korea, with the task of
rescuing you from such disasters by thoroughly stamp-
ing out the insurrection, I charge all of you, law-abiding
people of Korea, to prosecute your respective peaceful
avocations and be troubled with no fears. As for those
who have joined the insurgents from mistaken motives,
if they honestly repent and promptly surrender they will
be pardoned of their offence. Any of you who will seize
insurgents or will give information concerning their
whereabouts will be handsomely rewarded. In case of
those who wilfully join insurgents, or afford them refuge,
or conceal weapons, they shall be severely punished.
More than that, the villages to which such offenders be-
long shall be held collectively responsible and punished
with rigour. I call upon each and every one of the people
of Korea to understand clearly what I have herewith said
to you and avoid all reprehensible action."

The Koreans in America circulated a manifesto
directed against those of their countrymen who
were working with Japan, under the expressive title
of " explosive thunder," which breathed fury and
vengeance. Groups of Koreans in the provinces
issued other statements which, if not quite so pic-
turesque, were quite forcible enough. Here is
one:

" Our numbers are twenty million, and we have over

A JOUENET TO THE " BIGHTEOUS AEMY 137

ten million strong men, excluding old, sick, and children.
Now, the Japanese soldiers in Korea are not more than
eight thousand, and Japanese merchants at various places
are not more than some thousands. Though their weap-
ons are sharp, how can one man kill a thousand? We
beg you our brothers not to act in a foolish way and not
to kill any innocent persons. We will fix the day and the
hour for you to strike. Some of us, disguised as beggars
and merchants, will go into Seoul. We will destroy the
railway, we will kindle flames in every port, we will
destroy Chinkokai, kill Ito and all the Japanese, Yi Wan-
yong and his underlings, and will not leave a single rebel
against our Emperor alive. Then Japan will bring out
all her troops to fight us. We have no weapons at our
hands, but we will keep our own patriotism. We may
not be able to fight against the sharp weapons of the
Japanese, but we will ask the Foreign Consuls to help
us with their troops, and maybe they will assist the right
persons and destroy the wicked; otherwise let us die.
Let us strike against Japan, and then, if must be, all die
together with our country and with our Emperor, for
there is no other course open to us. It is better to lose
our lives now than to live miserably a little time longer,
for the Emperor and our brothers will all surely be killed
by the abominable plans of Ito, Yi Wan-yong, and their
associates. It is better to die as a patriot than to live
having abandoned one's country. Mr. Yi Chun went to
foreign lands to plead for our country, and his plans did
not carry well, so he cut his stomach asunder with a
sword and poured out his blood among the foreign na-
tions to proclaim his patriotism to the world. These of
our twenty million people who do not unite offend against
the memory of Mr. Yi Chun. We have to choose be-
tween destruction or the maintenance of our country.
Whether we live or die is a small thing, the great thing
is that we make up our minds at once whether we work
for or against our country."

A group of Koreans in the southern provinces
petitioned Prince Ito, in the frankest fashion :

138 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

" You spoke much of the kindness and friendship be-
tween Japan and Korea, but actually you have drawn
away the profits from province after province and dis-
trict after district until nothing is left wherever the hand
of the Japanese falls. The Korean has been brought to
ruin, and the Japanese shall be made to follow him down-
wards. We pity you very much ; but you shall not enjoy
the profits of the ruin of our land. When Japan and
Korea fall together it will be a misfortune indeed for you.
If you would secure safety for yourself follow this rule :
memorialize our Majesty to impeach the traitors and put
them to right punishment. Then every Korean will re-
gard you wiih favour, and the Europeans will be loud in
your praise. Advise the Korean authorities to carry out
reforms in various directions, help them to enlarge the
schools, and to select capable men for the Government
service; then the three countries, Korea, China, and
Japan, shall stand in the same line, strongly united and
esteemed by foreign nations. If you will not do this, and
if you continue to encroach on our rights, then we will
be destroyed together, thanks to you.

" You thought there were no men left in Korea ; you
will see. We country people are resolved to destroy
your railways and your settlements and your authorities.
On a fixed day we shall send word to our patriots in the
north, in the south, in Pyeng-yang and Kyung Sang, to
rise and drive away all Japanese from the various ports,
and although your soldiers are skillful with their guns it
will be very hard for them to stand against our twenty
million people. We will first attack the Japanese in
Korea, but when we have finished them we will appeal
to the Foreign Powers to assure the independence and
freedom of our country. Before we send the word to
our fellow-countrymen we give you this advice."

I resolved to try to see the fighting. This, I
soon found, was easier attempted than done.

The first difficulty came from the Japanese
authorities. They refused to grant me a passport,

A JOmaSTBY TO THE EIGHTBOUS AEMT 139

declaring that, owing to the disturbances, they
could not guarantee my safety in the interior. An
interview followed at the Residency-General, in
which I was duly warned that if I travelled with-
out a passport I would be liable, under International
treaties, to "arrest at any point on the journey
and punishment."

This did not trouble me very much. My real
fear had been that the Japanese would consent to
my going, but would insist on sending a guard of
Japanese soldiers with me. It was more than
doubtful if, at that time, the Japanese had any right
to stop a foreigner from travelling in Korea, for the
passport regulations had long been virtually ob-
solete. This was a point that I was prepared to
argue out at leisure after my arrest and confine-
ment in a Consular jail. So the preparations for
my departure were continued.

The traveller in Korea, away from the railroads,
must carry everything he wants with him, except
food for his horses. He must have at least three
horses or ponies: one for himself, one pack-pony,
and one for his bedding and his " boy." Each pony
needs its own " mafoo," or groom, to cook its food
and to attend to it. So, although travelling lightly
and in a hurry, I would be obliged to take two
horses, one pony, and four attendants with me.

My friends in Seoul, both white and Korean,
were of opinion that if I attempted the trip I would
probably never return. Korean tiger-hunters and
disbanded soldiers were scattered about the hills,

140 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

waiting for the chance of pot-shots at passing Japa-
nese. They would certainly in the distance take
me for a Japanese, since the Japanese soldiers and
leaders all wear foreign clothes, and they would
make me their target before they found out their
mistake. A score of suggestions were proffered as
to how I should avoid this. One old servant of
mine begged me to travel in a native chair, like a
Korean gentleman. This chair is a kind of small
box, carried by two or four bearers, in which the
traveller sits all the time crouched up on his
haunches. Its average speed is less than two miles
an hour. I preferred the bullets. A member of
the Korean Court urged me to send out messengers
each night to the villages where I would be going
next day, telling the people that I was " Yong guk
ta-in " (Englishman) and so they must not shoot
me. And so on and so forth.

This exaggerated idea of the risks of the trip
unfortunately spread abroad. The horse merchant
demanded specially high terms for the hire of his
beasts, because he might never see them again. I
needed a "boy/* or native servant, and although
there are plenty of " boys " in Seoul none at first
was to be had.

I engaged one servant, a fine upstanding young
Korean, Wo by name, who had been out on many
hunting and mining expeditions. I noticed that he
was looking uneasy, and I was scarcely surprised
when at the end of the third day he came to me
with downcast eyes. " Master," he said, "my

A JOURETEY TO THE BIGHTEOtTS ARMY 141

heart is very much frightened. Please excuse me
this time."

"What is there to be frightened about?" I de-
manded.

" Korean men will shoot you and then will kill
me because my hair is cut" The rebels were re-
ported to be killing all men not wearing topknots.

Exit Wo. Some one recommended Han, also
with a great hunting record. But when Han heard
the destination he promptly withdrew. Sin was a
good boy out of place. Sin was sent for, but for-
warded apologies for not coming.

One Korean was longing to accompany me my
old servant in the war, Kim Min-gun. But Kim
was in permanent employment and could not ob-
tain leave. "Master," he said contemptuously,
when he heard of the refusals, " these men plenty
much afraid." At last Kim's master very kindly
gave him permission to accompany me, and the
servant difficulty was surmounted.

My preparations were now almost completed,
provisions bought, horses hired, and saddles over-
hauled. The Japanese authorities had made no
sign, but they knew what was going on. It seemed
likely that they would stop me when I started out

Then fortune favoured me. A cablegram arrived
for me from London. It was brief and emphatic :

" Proceed forthwith Siberia."
My expedition was abandoned, the horses sent

142 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

away, and the saddles thrown into a corner. I
cabled home that I would soon be back. I made
the hotel ring with my public and private com-
plaints about this interference with my plans. I
visited the shipping offices to learn of the next
steamer to Vladivostock.

A few hours before I was to start I chanced to
meet an old friend, who questioned me confi-
dentially, " I suppose it is really true that you are
going away, and that this is not a trick on your
part?" I left him thoughtful, for his words had
shown me the splendid opportunity in my hands.
Early next morning, long before dawn, my ponies
came back, the boys assembled, the saddles were
quickly fixed and the packs adjusted, and soon we
were riding as hard as we could for the mountains.
The regrettable part of the affair is that many
people are still convinced that the whole business
of the cablegram was arranged by me in advance
as a blind, and no assurances of mine will convince
them to the contrary.

As in duty bound, I sent word to the acting
British Consul-General, telling him of my de-
parture. My letter was not delivered to him until
after I had left. On my return I found his reply
awaiting me at my hotel.

" I consider it my duty to inform you," he wrote, " that
I received a communication on the 7th inst. from the
Residency-General informing nie that, in view of the
disturbed conditions in the interior, it is deemed inad-
visable that foreign subjects should be allowed to travel
in the disturbed districts for the present. I would also

A JOTJBtfEY TO THE " EIGHTEOTJS AEMY ~" 143

call your attention to the stipulation in Article V. of the
treaty between Great Britain and Korea, under which
British subjects travelling in the interior of the country
without a passport are liable to arrest and to a penalty."

In Seoul no one could tell where or how the
" Righteous Army " might be found. The informa-
tion doled out by the Japanese authorities was
fragmentary, and was obviously and naturally
framed in such a manner as to minimize and dis-
credit the disturbances. It was admitted that the
Korean volunteers had a day or two earlier des-
troyed a small railway station on the line to Fusan.
We knew that a small party of them had attacked
the Japanese guard of a store of rifles, not twenty
miles from the capital, and had driven them off and
captured the arms and ammunition. Most of the
fighting, so far as one could judge, appeared to have
been around the town of Chung-ju, four days'
journey from Seoul. It was for there I aimed,
travelling by an indirect bridle-path in order to
avoid the Japanese as far as possible.

The country in which I soon found myself pre-
sented a field of industry and of prosperity such as
I had seen nowhere else in Korea. Between the
somewhat desolate mountain ranges and great
stretches of sandy soil we came upon innumerable
thriving villages. Every possible bit of land, right
up the hillsides, was carefully cultivated. Here
were stretches of cotton, with bursting pods all
ready for picking, and here great fields of buck-
wheat white with flower. The two most common

144: KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

crops were rice and barley, and the fields were
heavy with their harvest. Near the villages were
ornamental lines of chilies and beans and seed
plants for oil, with occasional clusters of kowliang,
fully twelve and thirteen feet high.

In the centre of the fields was a double-storied
summer-house, made of straw, the centre of a sys-
tem of high ropes, decked with bits of rag, running
over the crops in all directions. Two lads would
sit on the upper floor of each of these houses, pull-
ing the ropes, flapping the rags, and making all
kinds of harsh noises, to frighten away the birds
preying on the crops.

The villages themselves were pictures of beauty
and of peace. Most of them were surrounded by a
high fence of wands and matting. At the entrance
there sometimes stood the village " joss," although
many villages had destroyed their idols. This
" joss " was a thick stake of wood, six or eight feet
high, with the upper part roughly carved into the
shape of a very ugly human face, and crudely
coloured in vermilion and green. It was supposed
to frighten away the evil spirits.

The village houses, low, mud-walled, and thatch-
roofed, were seen this season at their best. Gay
flowers grew around. Melons and pumpkins,
weighted with fruit, ran over the walls. Nearly
every roof displayed a patch of vivid scarlet, for the
chilies had just been gathered, and were spread
out on the housetops to dry. In front of the
houses were boards covered with sliced pumpkins

A JOUEIiTET TO THE " EIGHTEOUS ARMY " 145

and gherkins drying in the sun for winter use.
Every courtyard had its line of black earthenware
jars, four to six feet high, stored with all manner
of good things, mostly preserved vegetables of
many varieties, for the coming yean

I had heard much of the province of Chung-
Chong-Do as the Italy of Korea, but its beauty and
prosperity required seeing to be believed. It af-
forded an amazing contrast to the dirt and apathy
of Seoul. Here every one worked. In the fields
the young women were toiling in groups, weeding
or harvesting. The young men were cutting
bushes on the hillsides, the father of the family pre-
paring new ground for the fresh crop, and the very
children frightening off the birds. At home the
housewife was busy with her children and prepar-
ing her simples and stores; and even the old men
busied themselves over light tasks, such as mat-
making. Every one seemed prosperous, busy, and
happy. There were no signs of poverty. The up-
rising had not touched this district, save in the most
incidental fashion.

My inquiries as to where I should find any signs
of the fighting always met with the same reply
"The Japanese have been to Ichon, and have
burned many villages there/* So we pushed on for
Ichon as hard as we could.

The chief problem that faced the traveller in
Korea who ventured away from the railways in
those days was how to hasten the speed of his
party. " You cannot travel faster than your pack,"

146 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEBEDOM

is one of those indisputable axioms against which
the impatient man fretted in vain. The pack-pony
was led by a horseman, who really controlled the
situation. If he sulked and determined to go
slowly nothing could be done. If he hurried, the
whole party must move quickly.

The Korean mafoo regards seventy li (about
twenty-one miles) as a fair day's work. He prefers
to average sixty li, but if you are very insistent he
may go eighty. It was imperative that I should
cover from a hundred to a hundred and twenty li
a day.

I tried a mixture of harsh words, praise, and
liberal tips. I was up at three in the morning,
setting the boys to work at cooking the animals'
food, and I kept them on the road until dark. Still
the record was not satisfactory. It is necessary in
Korea to allow at least six hours each day for the
cooking of the horses* food and feeding them. This
is a time that no wise traveller attempts to cut.
Including feeding-times, we were on the go from
sixteen to eighteen hours a day. Notwithstanding
this, the most we had reached was a hundred and
ten li a day.

Then came a series of little hindrances. The
pack-pony would not eat its dinner; its load was
too heavy. " Hire a boy to carry part of its load,"
I replied. A hundred reasons would be found for
halting, and still more for slow departure.

It was clear that something more must be done.
I called the pack-pony leader on one side. He was

A JOTJEKEY TO THE " EIGHTEOUS AEMT 147

a fine, broad-framed giant, a man who had in his
time gone through many fights and adventures.
" You and I understand one another," I said to him.
" These others with their moanings and cries are
but as children. Now let us make a compact. You
hurry all the time and I will give you " (here I
whispered a figure into his ear that sent a gratified
smile over his face) " at the end of the journey.
The others need know nothing. This is between
men,"

He nodded assent. From that moment the trou-
ble was over. Footsore mafoos, lame horses,
grumbling innkeepers nothing mattered. " Let
the fires burn quickly." "Out with the horses."
The other horse-keepers, not understanding his
changed attitude, toiled wearily after him. At
night-time he would look up, as he led his pack-
pony in at the end of a record day, and his grim
smile would proclaim that he was keeping his end
of the bargain.

" It is necessary for us to show these men some-
thing of the strong hand of Japan," one of the lead-
ing Japanese in Seoul, a close associate of the
Prince Ito, told me shortly before I left that city.
" The people of the eastern mountain districts have
seen few or no Japanese soldiers, and they have no
idea of our strength. We must convince them how
strong we are."

As I stood on a mountain-pass, looking down on
the valley leading to Ichon, I recalled these
words of my friend. The " strong hand of Japan "

14=8 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

was certainly being shown here. I beheld in front
of me village after village reduced to ashes.

I rode down to the nearest heap of ruins. The
place had been quite a large village, with probably
seventy or eighty houses* Destruction, thorough
and complete, had fallen upon it. Not a single
house was left, and not a single wall of a house.
Every pot with the winter stores was broken. The
very earthen fireplaces were wrecked.

The villagers had come back to the ruins again,
and were already rebuilding. They had put up
temporary refuges of straw. The young men were
out on the hills cutting wood, and every one else
was toiling at house-making. The crops were
ready to harvest, but there was no time to gather
them in. First of all, make a shelter.

During the next few days sights like these were
to be too common to arouse much emotion. But
for the moment I looked around on these people,
ruined and homeless, with quick pity. The old
men, venerable and dignified, as Korean old men
mostly are, the young wives, many with babes at
their breasts, the sturdy men, had composed, if I
could judge by what I saw, an exceptionally clean
and peaceful community.

There was no house in which I could rest, so I
sat down under a tree, and while Min-gun was
cooking my dinner the village elders came around
with their story. One thing especially struck me.
Usually the Korean woman was shy, retiring, and
afraid to open her mouth in the presence of a

A JOURNEY TO THE " EIGHTEOUS AEMY 149

stranger. Here the women spoke up as freely as
the men. The great calamity had broken down the
barriers of their silence.

" We are glad/' they said, " that a European man
has come to see what has befallen us. We hope
you will tell your people, so that all men may
know.

" There had been some fighting on the hills be-
yond our village," and they pointed to the hills a
mile or two further on. "The Eui-pyung" (the
volunteers) " had been there, and had torn up some
telegraph poles. The Eui-pyung came down from
the eastern hills. They were not our men, and had
nothing to do with us. The Japanese soldiers
came, and there was a fight, and the Eui-pyung
fell back.

" Then the Japanese soldiers marched out to our
village, and to seven other villages. Look around
and you can see the ruins of all. They spoke many
harsh words to us. r 'The Eui-pyung broke down
the telegraph poles and you did not stop them/
they said. * Therefore you are all the same as
Eui-pyung. Why have you eyes if you do not
watch, why have you strength if you do not prevent
the Eui-pyung from doing mischief? The Eui-
pyung came to your houses and you fed them.
They have gone, but we will punish you/

"And they went from house to house, taking
what they wanted and setting all alight One old
man he had lived in his house since he was a
babe suckled by his mother saw a soldier lighting

150 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

up his house. He fell on his knees and caught the
foot of the soldier. * Excuse me, excuse me/ he
said, with many tears. ' Please do not burn my
house. Leave it for me that I may die there. I
am an old man, and near my end.'

" The soldier tried to shake him off, but the old
man prayed the more. * Excuse me, excuse me/
he moaned. Then the soldier lifted his gun and
shot the old man, and we buried him.

" One who was near to her hour of child-birth
was lying in a house. Alas for her! One of our
young men was working in the field cutting grass.
He was working and had not noticed the soldiers
come. He lifted his knife, sharpening it in the sun.
* There is a Eui-pyung/ he said, and he fired and
killed him. One man, seeing the fire, noticed that
all his family records were burning. He rushed in
to try and pull them out, but as he rushed a soldier
fired, and he fell."

A man, whose appearance proclaimed him to be
of a higher class than most of the villagers, then
spoke in bitter tones. "We are rebuilding our
houses," he said, " but of what use is it for us to
do so? I was a man of family. My fathers and
fathers' fathers had their record. Our family
papers are destroyed. Henceforth we are a people
without a name, disgraced and outcast."

I found, when I went further into the country,
that this view was fairly common. The Koreans
regard their family existence with peculiar venera-
tion. The family record means everything to

A JOURNEY TO THE " EIGHTEOUS AEMY " 151

them. When it is destroyed, the family is wiped
out. It no longer exists, even though there are
many members of it still living. As the province
of Chung-Chong-Do prides itself on the large num-
ber of its substantial families, there could be no
more effective way of striking at them than this.

I rode out of the village heavy-hearted. What
struck me most about this form of punishment,
however, was not the suffering of the villagers so
much as the futility of the proceedings, from the
Japanese point of view. In place of pacifying a
people, they were turning hundreds of quiet fam-
ilies into rebels. During the next few days I was
to see at least one town and many scores of villages
' treated as this one. To what end? The villagers
were certainly not the people fighting the Japanese.
All they wanted to do was to look quietly after their
own affairs. Japan professed a desire to conciliate
Korea and to win the affection and support of her
people. In one province at least the policy of
house-burning had reduced a prosperous com-
munity to ruin, increased the rebel forces, and
sown a crop of bitter hatred which it would take
generations to root out.

We rode on through village after village and
hamlet after hamlet burned to the ground. The
very attitude of the people told me that the hand
of Japan had struck hard there. We would come
upon a boy carrying a load of wood. He would
run quickly to the side of the road when he saw us,
expecting he knew not what. We passed a vil-

152 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

lage with a few houses left. The women flew to
shelter as I drew near. Some of the stories that I
heard later helped me to understand why they
should run. Of course they took me for a Japa-
nese.

All along the route I heard tales of the Japanese
plundering, where they had not destroyed. At
places the village elders would bring me an old man
badly beaten by a Japanese soldier because he re-
sisted being robbed. Then came darker stories.
In Seoul I had laughed at them. Now, face to face
with the victims, I could laugh no more.

That afternoon we rode into Ichon itself.
This is quite a large town. I found it practically
deserted. Most of the people had fled to the hills,
to escape from the Japanese. I slept that night in
a schoolhouse, now deserted and unused. There
were the cartoons and animal pictures and pious
mottoes around, but the children were far away.
I passed through the market-place, usually a very
busy spot. There was no sign of life there.

I turned to some of the Koreans.

"Where are your women? Where are your
children?" I demanded. They pointed to the
high and barren hills looming against the distant
heavens.

"They are up there," they said. "Better for
them to lie on the barren hillsides than to be out-
raged here/*

IX

WITH THE REBELS

DAY after day we travelled through a suc-
cession of burned-out villages, deserted
towns, and forsaken country. The fields
were covered with a rich and abundant harvest,
ready to be gathered, and impossible for the in-
vaders to destroy. But most of the farmers were
hiding on the mountainsides, fearing to come down.
The few courageous men who had ventured to
come back were busy erecting temporary shelters
for themselves before the winter cold came on, and
had to let the harvest wait. Great flocks of birds
hung over 'the crops, feasting undisturbed.

Up to Chong-ju nearly one-half of the villages
on the direct line of route had been destroyed by
the Japanese. At Chong-ju I struck directly across
the mountains to Chee-chong, a day's journey.
Four-fifths of the villages and hamlets on the main
road between these two places were burned to the
ground.

The few people who had returned to the ruins
always disclaimed any connection with the " Right-
eous Army.'* They had taken no part in the fight-
ing, they said. The volunteers had come down
from the hills and had attacked the Japanese; the

154 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

Japanese had then retaliated by punishing the local
residents. The fact that the villagers had no arms,
and were peaceably working at home-building,
seemed at the time to show the truth of their
words. Afterwards when I came up with the
Korean fighters I found these statements con-
firmed. The rebels were mostly townsmen from
Seoul, and not villagers from that district.

Between 10,000 and 20,000 people had been
driven to the hills in this small district alone, either
by the destruction of their homes or because of
fear excited by the acts of the soldiers.

Soon after leaving Ichon I came on a village
where the Red Cross was flying over one of the
houses. The place was a native Anglican church.
I was later on to see the Red Cross over many
houses, for the people had the idea that by thus ap-
pealing to the Christians' God they made a claim on
the pity and charity of the Christian nations.

In the evening, after I had settled down in the
yard of the native inn, the elders of the Church
came to see me, two quiet-spoken, grave, middle-
aged men. They were somewhat downcast, and
said that their village had suffered considerably,
the parties of soldiers passing through having taken
what they wanted and being guilty of some out-
rages. A gardener's wife had been violated by a
Japanese soldier, another soldier standing guard
over the house with rifle and fixed bayonet A boy,
attracted by the woman's screams, ran and fetched
the husband. He came up, knife in hand. " But

"WITH THE KEBELS 155

what could he do? " the elders asked. " There was
the soldier, with rifle and bayonet, before the door/'

Later on I was to hear other stories, very similar
to this. These tales were confirmed on the spot,
so far as confirmation was possible* In my judg-
ment such outrages were not numerous, and were
limited to exceptional parties of troops. But they
produced an effect altogether disproportionate to
their numbers. The Korean has high ideals about
the sanctity of his women, and the fear caused by
a comparatively few offences was largely respon-
sible for the flight of multitudes to the hills.

In the burning of villages, a certain number of
Korean women and children were undoubtedly
killed. The Japanese troops seem in many cases
to have rushed a village and to have indulged in
miscellaneous wild shooting, on the chance of there
being rebels around, before firing the houses. In
one hamlet, where I found two houses still stand-
ing, the folk told me that these had been left be-
cause the Japanese shot the daughter of the owner
of one of them, a girl of ten. " When they shot
her," the villagers said, "we approached the sol-
diers, and said, * Please excuse us, but since you
have killed the daughter of this man you should
not burn his house/ And the soldiers listened
to us."

In towns like Chong-ju and Won-ju practically
all the women and children and better-class families
had disappeared. The shops were shut and barri-
caded by their owners before leaving, but many of

156 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

them had been forced open and looted. The
destruction in other towns paled to nothing, how-
ever, before the havoc wrought in Chee-chong.
Here was a town completely destroyed.

Chee-chong was, up to the late summer of 1907,
an important rural centre, containing between 2,000
and 3,000 inhabitants, and beautifully situated in a
sheltered plain, surrounded by high mountains. It
was a favourite resort of high officials, a Korean
Bath or Cheltenham. Many of the houses were
large, and some had tiled roofs a sure evidence of
wealth.

When the " Righteous Army " began operations,
one portion of it occupied the hills beyond Chee-
chong. The Japanese sent a small body of troops
into the town* These were attacked one night on
three sides, several were killed, and the others were
compelled to retire. The Japanese despatched
reinforcements, and after some fighting regained
lost ground. They then determined to make Chee-
chong an example to the countryside. The entire
town was put to the torch. The soldiers carefully
tended the flames, piling up everything for destruc-
tion. Nothing was left, save one image of Buddha
and the magistrate's yamen. When the Koreans
fled, five men, one woman, and a child, all wounded,
were left behind. These disappeared in the flames.
It was a hot early autumn when I reached Chee-
chong. The brilliant sunshine revealed a Japanese
flag waving over a hillock commanding the town,
and glistened against the bayonet of a Japanese

WITH THE EEBELS 157

sentry. I dismounted and walked down the streets
and over the heaps of ashes. Never have I wit-
nessed such complete destruction. Where a month
before there had been a busy and prosperous com-
munity, there was now nothing but lines of little
heaps of black and gray dust and cinders. Not a
whole wall, not a beam, and not an unbroken jar
remained. Here and there a man might be seen
poking among the ashes, seeking for aught of value.
The search was vain. Chee-chong had been wiped
off the map. "Where are your people?" I asked
the few searchers. "They are lying on the hill-
sides," came the reply.

Up to this time I had not met a single rebel sol-
dier, and very few Japanese. My chief meeting
with the Japanese occurred the previous day at
Chong-ju. As I approached that town, I noticed
that its ancient walls were broken down. The
stone arches of the city gates were left, but the
gates themselves and most of the walls had gone.
A Japanese sentry and a gendarme stood at the
gateway, and cross-examined me as I entered. A
small body of Japanese troops were stationed here,
and operations in the country around were ap-
parently directed from this centre.

I at once called upon the Japanese Colonel in
charge. His room, a great apartment in the local
governor's yam en, showed on all sides evidences of
the thoroughness with which the Japanese were
conducting this campaign. Large maps, with red
marks, revealed strategic positions now occupied.

158 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

A little printed pamphlet, with maps, evidently for
the use of officers, lay on the table.

The Colonel received me politely, but expressed
his regrets that I had come. The men he was fight-
ing were mere robbers, he said, and there was noth-
ing for me to see. He gave me various warnings
about dangers ahead. Then he very kindly ex-
plained that the Japanese plan was to hem in the
volunteers, two sections of troops operating from
either side and making a circle around the seat of
trouble. These would unite and gradually drive
the Koreans towards a centre.

The maps which the Colonel showed me settled
my movements. A glance at them made clear that
the Japanese had not yet occupied the line of coun-
try between Chee-chong and Won-ju. Here, then,
was the place where I must go if I would meet the
Korean bands. So it was towards Won-ju that I
turned our horses' heads on the following day, after
gazing on the ruins of Chee-chong.

It soon became evident that I was very near to
the Korean forces. At one place, not far from
Chee-chong, a party of them had arrived two days
before I passed, and had demanded arms. A little
further on Koreans and Japanese had narrowly
escaped meeting in the village street, not many
hours before I stopped there. As I approached
one hamlet, the inhabitants fled into the high corn,
and on my arrival not a soul was to be found.
They mistook me for a Japanese out on a shooting
and burning expedition.

WITH THE EBBELS 159

It now became more difficult to obtain carriers.
Our ponies were showing signs of fatigue, for we
were using them very hard over the mountainous
country. It was impossible to hire fresh animals,
as the Japanese had commandeered all. Up to
Won-ju I had to pay double the usual rate for my
carriers. From Won-ju onwards carriers abso-
lutely refused to go further, whatever the pay.

" On the road beyond here many bad men are to
be found," they told me at Won-ju. " These bad
men shoot every one who passes. We will not go
to be shot." My own boys were showing some
uneasiness. Fortunately, I had in my personal
servant Min-gun, and in the leader of the pack-
pony two of the staunchest Koreans I have ever
known.

The country beyond Won-ju was splendidly
suited for an ambuscade, such as the people there
promised me. The road was rocky and broken,
and largely lay through a narrow, winding valley,
with overhanging cliffs. Now we would come on
a splendid gorge, evidently of volcanic origin ; now
we would pause to chip a bit of gold-bearing quartz
from the rocks, for this is a famous gold centre of
Korea. An army might have been hidden securely
around.

Twilight was just gathering as we stopped at a
small village where we intended remaining for the
night. The people were sullen and unfriendly, a
striking contrast to what I had found elsewhere.
In other parts they all came and welcomed me,

100 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FREEDOM

sometimes refusing to take payment for the ac-
commodation they supplied. "We are glad that
a white man has come." But in this village the
men gruffly informed me that there was not a scrap
of horse food or of rice to be had. They advised
us to go on to another place, fifteen li ahead.

We started out. When we had ridden a little
way from the village I chanced to glance back at
some trees skirting a corn-field. A man, half-
hidden by a bush, was fumbling with something in
his hands, something which he held down as I
turned. I took it to be the handle of a small reap-
ing-knife, but it was growing too dark to see
clearly. A minute later, however, there came a
smart "ping" past my ear, followed by the thud
of a bullet striking metal,

I turned, but the man had disappeared. It would
have been merely foolish to blaze back with a .380
Colt at a distance of over a hundred yards, and
there was no time to go back. So we continued on
our way.

Before arriving at Won-ju we had been told that
we would certainly find the Righteous Army around
there. At Won-ju men said that it was at a
place fifteen or twenty miles ahead. When we
reached that distance we were directed onwards to
Yan-gun. We walked into Yan-gun one afternoon,
only to be again disappointed. Here, however, we
learned that there had been a fight that same morn-
ing at a village fifteen miles nearer Seoul, and that
the Koreans had been defeated.

WITH THE EEBBLS 161

Yan-gun presented a remarkable sight. A dozen
red crosses waved over houses at different points.
In the main street every shop was closely barri-
caded, and a cross was pasted on nearly every door.
These crosses, roughly painted on paper in red ink,
were obtained from the elder of the Roman Catholic
church there. A week before some Japanese sol-
diers had arrived and burned a few houses. They
spared one house close to them waving a Christian
cross. As soon as the Japanese left nearly every
one pasted a cross over his door.

At first Yan-gun seemed deserted. The people
were watching me from behind the shelter of their
doors. Then men and boys crept out, and grad-
ually approached. We soon made friends. The
women had fled. I settled down that afternoon in
the garden of a Korean house of the better type.
My boy was preparing my supper in the front court-
yard, when he suddenly dropped everything to rush
to me. "Master," he cried, highly excited, "the
Righteous Army has come. Here are the sol-
diers."

In another moment half a dozen of them entered
the garden, formed in line in front of me and
saluted. - They -were all lads, from eighteen to
twenty-six. One, a bright-faced, handsome youth,
still wore the old uniform of the regular Korean
Army, Another had a pair of military trousers.
Two of them were in slight, ragged Korean dress.
Not one had leather boots. Around their waists
were home-made cotton cartridge belts, half full

162 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEBDOM

One wore a kind of tarboosh on his head, and the
others had bits of rag twisted round their hair.

I looked at the guns they were carrying. The
six men had five different patterns of weapons, and
none was any good. One proudly carried an old
Korean sporting gun of the oldest type of muzzle-
loaders known to man. Around his arm was the
long piece of thin rope which he kept smouldering
as touch-powder, and hanging in front of him were
the powder horn and bullet bag for loading. This
sporting gun was, I afterwards found, a common
weapon. The ramrod, for pressing down the
charge, was home-made and cut from a tree. The
barrel was rust-eaten. There was only a strip of
cotton as a carrying strap.

The second man had an old Korean army rifle,
antiquated, and a very bad specimen of its time.
The third had the same. One had a tiny sporting
gun, the kind of weapon, warranted harmless, that
fathers give to their fond sons at the age of ten.
Another had a horse-pistol, taking a rifle cartridge.
Three of the guns bore Chinese marks. They were
all eaten up with ancient rust.

These were the men think of it who for weeks
had been bidding defiance to the Japanese Army !
Even now a Japanese division of regular soldiers
was manoeuvring to corral them and their com-
rades. Three of the party in front of me were
coolies. The smart young soldier who stood at the
right plainly acted as sergeant, and had done his
best to drill his comrades into soldierly bearing. A

WITH THE EEBELS 163

seventh man now came in, unarmed, a Korean of
the better class, well dressed in the long robes of a
gentleman, but thin, sun-stained and wearied like
the others.

A pitiful group they seemed men already
doomed to certain death, fighting in an absolutely
hopeless cause. But as I looked the sparkling eyes
and smiles of the sergeant to the right seemed to
rebuke me. Pity ! Maybe my pity was misplaced.
At least they were showing their countrymen an
example of patriotism, however mistaken their
method of displaying it might be.

They had a story to tell, for they had been in the
fight that morning, and had retired before the Japa-
nese. The Japanese had the better position, and
forty Japanese soldiers had attacked two hundred of
them and they had given way. But they had killed
four Japanese, and the Japanese had only killed two
of them and wounded three more. Such was their
account

I did not ask them why, when they had killed
twice as many as the enemy, they had yet retreated.
The real story of the fight I could learn later. As
they talked others came to join them two old men,
one fully eighty, an old tiger-hunter, with bent back,
grizzled face, and patriarchal beard. The two new-
comers carried the old Korean sporting rifles,
Other soldiers of the retreating force were outside*
There was a growing tumult in the street. How
long would it be before the triumphant Japanese,
following up their victory, attacked the town?

1G4 KOKEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

I was not to have much peace that night In
the street outside a hundred noisy disputes were
proceeding between volunteers and the townsfolk*
The soldiers wanted shelter; the people, fearing the
Japanese, did not wish to let them in. A party of
them crowded into an empty building adjoining the
house where I was, and they made the place ring
with their disputes and recriminations.

Very soon the officer who had been in charge of
the men during the fight that day called on me.
He was a comparatively young man, dressed in the
ordinary long white garments of the better-class
Koreans. I asked him what precautions he had
taken against a night attack, for if the Japanese
knew where we were they would certainly come on
us. Had he any outposts placed in positions?
Was the river-way guarded? "There Is no need
for outposts," he replied. " Every Korean man
around watches for us."

I cross-examined him about the constitution of
the rebel army. How were they organized? From
what he told me, it was evident that they had
practically no organization at all. There were a
number of separate bands held together by the
loosest ties. A rich man in each place found the
money. This he secretly gave to one or two open
rebels, and they gathered adherents around them.

He admitted that the men were in anything but
a good way. "We may have to die," he said.
" Well, so let it be. It is much better to die as a
free man than to live as the slave of Japan/*

WITH THE EEBEL3 165

He had not been gone long before still another
called on me, a middle-aged Korean gentleman,
attended by a staff of officials. Here was a man of
rank, and I soon learned that he was the Com-
mander-in-Chief for the entire district. I was in
somewhat of a predicament. I had used up all my
food, and had not so much as a cigar or a glass of
whiskey left to offer him. One or two flickering
candles in the covered courtyard of the inn lit up
his care-worn face, I apologized for the rough sur-
roundings in which I received him, but he immedi-
ately brushed my apologies aside. He complained
bitterly of the conduct of his subordinate, who had
risked an engagement that morning when he had
orders not to. The commander, it appeared, had
been called back home for a day on some family
affairs, and hurried back to the front as soon as he
knew of the trouble. He had come to me for a
purpose. " Our men want weapons," he said.
" They are as brave as can be, but you know what
their guns are like, and we have very little ammuni-
tion. We cannot buy, but you can go to and fro
freely as you want. Now, you act as our agent.
Buy guns for us and bring them to us. Ask what
money you like, it does not matter. Five thousand
dollars, ten thousand dollars, they are yours if you
will have them. Only bring us guns! "

I had, of course, to tell him that I could not do
anything of the kind. When he further asked me
questions about the positions of the Japanese I was
forced to give evasive answers. To my mind, the

166 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

publicist who visits fighting forces in search of in-
formation, as I was doing, is in honour bound not
to communicate what he learns to the other side.
I could no more tell the rebel leader of the exposed
Japanese outposts I knew, and against which I
could have sent his troops with the certainty of
success, than I could on return tell the Japanese the
strength of his forces.

All that night the rebels dribbled in. Several
wounded men who had escaped from the fight the
previous day were borne along by their comrades,
and early on the following morning some soldiers
came and asked me to do what I could to heal them.
I went out and examined the men. One had no
less than five bullet-holes in him and yet seemed
remarkably cheerful. Two others had single shots
of a rather more dangerous nature. I am no sur-
geon, and it was manifestly impossible for me to
jab into their wounds with my hunting-knife in the
hope of extracting the bullets. I found, however,
some corrosive sublimate tabloids in my leather
medicine case. These I dissolved, and bathed the
wounds with the mixture to stop suppuration. I
had some Listerine, and I washed their rags in it.
I bound the clean rags on the wounds, bade the men
lie still and eat little, and left them.

Soon after dawn the rebel regiments paraded in
the streets. They reproduced on a larger scale the
characteristics I had noted among the few men who
came to visit me the evening before, poor weapons
and little ammunition. They sent out men in ad-

WITH THE EEBELS 167

vance before I departed in the morning to warn
their outposts that I was an Englishman (really I
am a Scots-Canadian, but to them it was all the
same) who must not be injured. I left them with
mutual good wishes, but I made a close inspection
of my party before we marched away to see that
all our weapons were in place. Some of my boys
begged me to give the rebels our guns so that they
might kill the Japanese !

We had not gone very far before we descended
into a rocky and sandy plain by the river. Sud-
denly I heard one of my boys shout at the top of
his voice, as he threw up his arms, "Yong guk
ta-in." We all stopped, and the others took up the
cry. "What does this mean?" I asked. "Some
rebel soldiers are surrounding us," said Min-gun,
" and they are going to fire. They think you are
a Japanese." I stood against the sky-line and
pointed vigorously to myself to show that they were
mistaken. " Yong guk ! " I shouted, with my boys.
It was not dignified, but it was very necessary.
Now we could see creeping, ragged figures running
from rock to rock, closer and closer to us. The
rifles of some were covering us while the others ad-
vanced. Then a party of a couple of dozen rose
from the ground near to hand, with a young man in
a European officer's uniform at their head. They
ran to us, while we stood and waited. At last they
saw who I was, and when they came near they
apologized very gracefully for their blunder. " It
fortunate that you shouted when you did,"

168 KOREA'S FIGHT FOR FBEEDOM

said one ugljxfaced young rebel, as he slipped his
cartridge back into his pouch ; " I had you nicely
covered and was just going to shoot." Some of
the soldiers in this band were not more than four-
teen to sixteen years old. I made them stand and
have their photographs taken.

By noon I arrived at the place from which the
Korean soldiers had been driven on the day before.
The villagers there were regarded in very un-
friendly fashion by the rebels, who thought they
had betrayed them to the Japanese. The villagers
told me what was evidently the true story of the
fight They said that about twenty Japanese sol-
diers had on the previous morning marched quickly
to the place and attacked two hundred rebels there.
One Japanese soldier was hurt, receiving a flesh
wound in the arm, and five rebels were wounded.
Three of these latter got away, and these were the
ones I had treated earlier in the morning. Two
others were left on the field, one badly shot in the
left cheek and the other in the right shoulder. To
quote the words of the villagers, "As the Japanese
soldiers came up to these wounded men they were
too sick to speak, and they could only utter cries
like animals 'Hula, hula, hula!' They had no
weapons in their hands, and their blood was run-
ning on the ground. The Japanese soldiers heard
their cries, and went up to them and stabbed them
through and through and through again with their
bayonets until they died. The men were torn very
much with the bayonet stabs, and we had to take

WITH THE EEBELS 169

them up and bury them." The expressive faces of
the villagers were more eloquent than mere
description was.

Were this an isolated instance, it would scarcely
be necessary to mention it. But what I heard on
all sides went to show that in a large number of
fights in the country the Japanese systematically
killed all the wounded and all who surrendered
themselves. This was not so in every case, but it
certainly was in very many. The fact was con-
firmed by the Japanese accounts of many fights,
where the figures given of Korean casualties were
so many killed, with no mention of wounded or
prisoners. In place after place also, the Japanese,
besides burning houses, shot numbers of men whom
they suspected of assisting the rebels. War is war,
and one could scarcely complain at the shooting of
rebels. Unfortunately much of the killing was in-
discriminate, to create terror.

I returned to Seoul. The Japanese authorities
evidently decided that it would not be advisable to
arrest me for travelling in the interior without a
passport. It was their purpose to avoid as far as
possible any publicity being given to the doings of
the Righteous Army, and to represent them as
mere bands of disorderly characters, preying on the
population. They succeeded in creating this opin-
ion throughout the world.

But as a matter of fact the movement grew and
grew. It was impossible for the Koreans to ob-
tain arms; they fought without arms. In June,

170 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

1908, nearly two years afterwards, a high Japanese
official, giving evidence at the trial of Mr. Bethell
before a specially convened British court at Seoul,
said that about 20,000 troops were then engaged in
putting down the disturbances, and that about one-
half of the country was in a condition of armed re-
sistance. The Koreans continued their fight until
1915, when, according to Japanese official state-
ments, the rebellion was finally suppressed. One
can only faintly imagine the hardships these moun-
taineers and young men of the plains, tiger hunters,
and old soldiers, must have undergone. The taunts
about Korean " cowardice " and " apathy " were
beginning to lose their force.

X

THE LAST DAYS OF THE KOREAN EMPIRE

PRINCE ITO he was made Prince after the
abdication of Yi Hyeung was Resident-
General of Korea from 1906 to 1908, and was
followed by Viscount Sone, who carried on his
policies until 1910. Ito is still remembered as the
best of the Japanese administrators.

He had an exceedingly difficult task. He had to
tear up an ancient administration by the roots, and
substitute a new. This could not fail to be a pain-
ful process. He had the best and the worst in-
stincts of a nation aroused against him, the patriot-
ism and loyalty of the Korean people, and also their
obstinacy and apathy. He was hampered by the
poor quality of many of the minor officials who had
to carry out his orders and still more by the char-
acter of the settlers from his own land. The neces-
sities of Japanese Imperial policy compelled the in-
fliction of much injustice on the Korean people.
The determination to plant as many Japanese on
Korean soil as possible involved the expropriation
of Korean interests and the harsh treatment of
many small Korean landowners and tenants. The

171

172 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

powerful and growing commercial interests of
Japan were using every possible pressure to ex-
ploit Korea, to obtain concessions and to treat the
land as one to be despoiled for their benefit Ito
meant well by Korea, and had vision enough to see
that the ill-treatment of her people injured Japan
even more than it did them. It was his misfortune
to be committed to an impossible policy of Im-
perial absorption. He did his utmost to minimize
its evils and promote reforms.

Unfortunately, all of his subordinates did not see
eye to eye with him. His military chief, Hasegawa,
believed in the policy of the strong hand, and prac-
ticed it. A large majority of the Japanese immi-
grants acted in a way fatal to the creation of a
policy of good-will. The average Japanese re-
garded the Korean as another Ainu, a barbarian,
and himself as one of the Chosen Race, who had the
right to despoil and roughly treat his inferiors, as
occasion served.

Some Koreans stooped to the favourite Oriental
weapon of assassination.

In 1907 Mr. W. D. Stevens, Foreign Adviser to
the Korean Government, was murdered by a
Korean when passing through San Francisco. In
October, 1909, Prince Ito, when making a journey
northwards, was killed by another Korean at Har-
bin. Both of the murderers were nominal Chris-
tians, the first a Protestant and the second a Cath-
olic. A deadly blow was struck at the Korean
cause by the men who thus sought to serve her.

THE LAST DAYS OF THE KOBEAN EMPIEE 173

This book will probably be read by many
Koreans, young men and women with hearts aflame
at the sufferings of their people, I can well un-
derstand the intense anger that must fill their souls.
If my people had been treated as theirs have, I
would feel the same.

I hope that every man guilty of torturing, out-
raging or murder will eventually be brought to
justice and dealt with as justice directs. But for
individuals, or groups of individuals to take such
punishment into their own hands is to inflict the
greatest damage in their power, not on the person
they attack, but on the cause they seek to serve.

Why?

In the first case, they destroy sympathy for their
cause. The conscience of the world revolts at the
idea of the individual or the irresponsible group of
individuals taking to themselves the right of in-
flicting death at their will.

Next, they strengthen the cause they attack.
They place themselves on or below the level of the
men they seek to punish.

A third reason is that the assassins in many cases
reach the wrong man. They do not know, and
cannot know, because they have had no full oppor-
tunity of learning, what the other has had to say
for himself. Too often, in trying to slay their vic-
tim, they injure others who have nothing to do
with the business.

To attack one's victim without giving him an op-
portunity for defence is essentially a cowardly

174 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

thing. Assassination I prefer to give it its sim-
pler name, murder is wrong, whatever the sup-
posed excuse, fundamentally wrong, wrong in
principle, fatal in its outcome for those who adopt
it Have nothing to do with it.

The murder of Prince Ito was a cruel blow for
Korea. It was followed by an attempt to assas-
sinate the Korean Premier, the man who had
handed his country over to Japan. For some time
the military party in Japan had been clamouring
for a more severe policy in the Peninsula. Now it
was to have its way. General Count Terauchi was
appointed Resident-General.

Count Terauchi was leader of the military party
in Korea, and an avowed exponent of the policy of
" thorough," A soldier from his youth up, he had
risen to the General Staff, and in 1904 was Min-
ister of War in the fight against Russia, earning
his Viscountcy for brilliant services. Strong, re-
lentless, able, he could only see one thing Japan
and the glory of Japan. He regarded the Koreans
as a people to be absorbed or to be eliminated. He
was generally regarded as unsympathetic to Chris-
tianity, and many of the Koreans were now Chris-
tians.

Terauchi came to Seoul in the summer of 1910,
to reverse the policy of his predecessors. He was
going to stamp the last traces of nationality out of
existence. Where Ito had been soft, he would be
hard as chilled steel. Where Ito had beaten men
with whips, he would beat them with scorpions.

THE LAST DATS OF THE KOEEAtf EMPIRE 175

Every one knew ahead what was coming. The
usual plan was followed. First, the official and
semi-official plan was followed. The Seoul Press,
now the lickspittle of the great man, gave good
value for the subsidy it receives. It came out with
an article hard to surpass for brutality and hypoc-
risy :

"The present requires the wielding of an iron hand
rather than a gloved one in order to secure lasting peace
and order in this country. There is no lack of evidence
to show an intense dissatisfaction against the new state
of things is fermenting at present among a section of the
Koreans. It is possible that if left unchecked, it may
culminate in some shocking crime. Now after carefully
studying the cause and nature of the dissatisfaction just
referred to, we find that it is both foolish and unrea-
sonable. . . .

" Japan is in this country with the object of promoting
the happiness of the masses. She has not come to Korea
to please a few hundred silly youngsters or to feed a
few hundred titled loafers. It is no fault of hers that
these men are dissatisfied because of their failure to satisfy
them. . . . She must be prepared to sacrifice anybody
who offers obstacles to her work. Japan has hitherto
dealt with Korean malcontents in a lenient way. She has
learned from experience gained during the past five years
that there are some persons who cannot be converted by
conciliatory methods. There is but one way to deal with
these people, and that is by stern and relentless methods"

The Japan Mail, as usual, echoed the same senti-
ments from Yokohama. "The policy of concilia-
tion is all very well in the hands of such a states-
man as the late Prince I to," it declared. "But
failing a successor to Prince Ito, more ordinary

176 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FKEEDOM

methods will be found safer as well as more effi-
cacious."

Viscount Terauchi settled in the capital, and it
was as though a chill had passed over the city. He
said little, in public. Callers, high and low, found
him stern and distant. " He has other things to
think of than pleasant words/' awed Secretaries re-
peated. Things suddenly began to happen. Four
Japanese papers were suspended in a night An
item in their columns was objectionable. Let
others be very careful. The police system was re-
versed. The gendarmerie were to be brought back
again in full force. Every day brought its tale of
arrests. Fifteen students were arrested this morn-
ing; the old Korean President of the Railway
Board had been hurried to prison; the office of a
paper in Pyeng-yang had been raided. It was as
though the new Governor-General had deliberately
set himself to spread a feeling of terror.

The Korean must not so much as look awry now.
Police and gendarmes were everywhere. Spies
seemed to catch men's thoughts. More troops
were coming in. Surely something was about to
happen.

Yet there were some smiling. They were called
to the Residency-General to hear good news. This
man was to be made a peer; he had served Japan
well. This man, if he and his kin were good, was
to be suitably rewarded. Bribes for the com-
plaisant, prison for the obstinate.

Men guessed what was coming. There were

THE LAST DAYS OF THE KOBEAN EMPIRE 177

mutterings, especially among the students. But
the student who spoke bravely, even behind closed
doors to-day, found himself in jail by evening.
The very walls seemed to have ears.

Then it was remarked that the Ministers of State
had not been seen for some days. They had shut
themselves in, refusing to see all callers. They
feared assassination, for they had sold their coun-
try. Policemen and troops were waiting within
easy calls from their homes, lest mobs should try
to burn them out, like rats out of their holes.

And then the news came. Korea had ceased to
exist as an even nominally independent or separate
country. Japan had swallowed it up. The Em-
peror poor fool was to step off his throne. After
four thousand years, there was to be no more a
throne of Korea. The Resident-General would
now be Governor-General, The name of the na-
tion was to be wiped out henceforth it was to be
Chosen, a province of Japan. Its people were to be
remade into a lesser kind of Japanese, and the more
adept they were in making the change, the less they
would suffer. They were to have certain benefits.
To mark the auspicious occasion there would be an
amnesty but a man who had tried to kill the
traitor Premier would not be in it. Five per cent
of taxes and all unpaid fiscal dues would be re-
mitted. Let the people rejoice!

The Japanese expected an uprising, and were all
ready for one. " Every man should be ready to
fight and die in the cause of his nation's independ-

178 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

ence," they said tauntingly to the Koreans. But
the people's leaders kept them in. Up on the hills,
the Righteous Army was still struggling. The
people must wait for better times.

One man stuck a proclamation on the West Gate,
threatening death to the traitors. Man after man,
scholars, old soldiers, men who loved Korea, com-
mitted suicide, after telling of their grief. " Why
should we live when our land is dead? " they asked.

The Japanese sneered because the people did
nothing. " We may assume, indeed, that all fear
of a national uprising is now past," declared a semi-
Government organ. "The nation obviously has
no leaders competent to execute and direct a cru-
sade in the cause of independence. Whether that
lack is due to adroit management on the part of the
Japanese or to unpatriotic apathy on the part of the
Koreans we cannot pretend to judge/*

The Japanese decree announcing the annexation
of the country was in itself an acknowledgment that
the Japanese administration so far had been a fail-
ure. Here is the opening paragraph :

"Notwithstanding the earnest and laborious work of
reforms in the administration of Korea in which the
Governments of Japan and Korea have been engaged for
more than four years since the conclusion of the Agree-
ment of 1905, the existing system of government of that
country has not proved entirely equal to the work of
preserving public order and tranquillity, and in addition
a spirit of suspicion and misgiving pervades the whole
peninsula.

" In order to maintain peace and prosperity and the wel-

THE LAST DAYS OP THE KOEEAN EMPIEE 179

fare of the Koreans and at the same time to ensure the
safety and repose of foreign residents, it has been made
abundantly clear that fundamental changes in the actual
regime of government are actually essential."

The declaration announced various changes. It
abrogated all Korean foreign treaties, and brought
the subjects of foreign nations living in Korea un-
der Japanese law. In other words, extra-terri-
toriality was abolished. The Government agreed
to maintain the old Korean tariff for ten years both
for goods coming* in from Japan and abroad. This
was a concession to foreign importers whose trade
otherwise would have been swamped. It also al-
lowed ships under foreign registers to engage in
the Korean coasting trade for ten years more.

The annexation was put in the form of a treaty
between the Emperors of Japan and Korea, as
though the surrender of their land had been the act
of the Koreans themselves, or their ruler.

His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty
the Emperor of Korea having in view the special and
close relations between their respective countries and to
ensure peace in the Extreme East, and being convinced
that these objects can best be attained by the annexation
of Korea to the Empire of Japan have resolved to con-
clude a Treaty of such annexation and have for that
purpose appointed as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say,
His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Viscount Mas-

kata Terauchi, His Resident General.
And His Majesty the Emperor of Korea, Ye Wan

Yong, His Minister President of State,
Who, upon mutual conference and deliberation, have
agreed to the following articles,

180 KOBE A> S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

Article i. His Majesty the Emperor of Korea makes
complete and permanent cession to His Majesty the Em-
peror of Japan of all rights of sovereignty over the whole
of Korea.

Article 2. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan accepts
the cession mentioned in the preceding Article, and con-
sents to the complete annexation of Korea to the Empire
of Japan.

Article 3. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will
accord to their Majesties the Emperor and Empress of
Korea and His Imperial Highness the Crown Prince of
Korea, and Their Consorts and Heirs such titles, dignity
and honour as are appropriate to their respective rank
and sufficient annual grants will be made for the main-
tenance of such titles, dignity and honour.

Article 4. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will
also accord appropriate honour and treatment to the
members of the Imperial House of Korea and their heirs,
other than those mentioned in the preceding Article and
the funds necessary for the maintenance of such honour
and treatment will be granted.

Article 5. His Majesty the Emperor of Japan will
confer peerages and monetary grants upon those Koreans
who, on account of meritorious services, are regarded as
deserving of such special treatment.

Article 6. In consequence of the aforesaid annexation,
the Government of Japan assumes the entire government
and administration of Korea, and undertakes to afford
full protection for the property and person of Koreans,
obeying the laws then in force, and to promote the wel-
fare of all such Koreans.

" Article 7. The Government of Japan will, so far as
circumstances permit, employ in the public service of
Japan in Korea those Koreans who accept the new regime
of Japan loyally and in good faith, and who are duly
qualified for such service.

Article 8. This Treaty, having been approved by His
Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the Em-
peror of Korea shall take effect from the day of its
promulgation.

THE LAST DATS OF TEE KOEEAN EMPIRE 181

Some defenders of Japan have wasted much ef-
fort in attempting to show that in destroying the
Korean Empire Japan did not break her word, al-
though she had repeatedly pledged herself to main-
tain and preserve the nation and the Royal House.
Such arguments, under the circumstances, are
merely nauseating. Japan wanted Korea; so soon
as she was able, Japan took it. The only justifica-
tion was

" The good old rule . , -. the simple plan,
That he shall take who has the power,
That he shall KEEP, who can."

XI

" I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCORPIONS "

THE Japanese administration of Korea from
1910 to 1919, first under Count Terauchi
and then under General Hasegawa, re-
vealed the harshest and most relentless form of
Imperial administration. When formal annexation
was completed in 1910 all the hindrances which had
hitherto stood in the way of the complete execution
of Japanese methods were apparently swept on one
side. The Governor-General had absolute power
to pass what ordinances he pleased, and even to
make those ordinances retroactive. Extra-terri-
toriality was abolished, and foreign subjects in
Korea were placed entirely under the Japanese
laws.

Japanese statesmen were ambitious to show the
world as admirable an example of efficiency in
peace as Japan had already shown in war. Much
thought had been given to the matter for a long
time ahead. The colonial systems of other coun-
tries had been carefully studied. Service in Korea
was to be a mark of distinction, reserved for the
best and most highly paid. National pride and
national interest were pledged to make good.
Money was spent freely and some of the greatest

182

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOEPIONS" 183

statesmen and soldiers of Japan were placed at the
head of affairs. Ito, by becoming Resident-Gen-
eral, had set an example for the best of the nation
to follow.

Between the annexation in 1910 and the uprising
of the people in 1919, much material progress was
made. The old, effete administration was cleared
away, sound currency maintained, railways were
greatly extended, roads improved, afforestation
pushed forward on a great scale, agriculture de-
veloped, sanitation improved and fresh industries
begun.

And yet this period of the Japanese administra-
tion in Korea ranks among the greatest failures of
history, a failure greater than that of Russia in
Finland or Poland or Austria-Hungary in Bosnia.
America in Cuba and Japan in Korea stand out as
the best and the worst examples in governing new
subject peoples that the twentieth century has to
show. The Japanese entered on their great task
in a wrong spirit, they were hampered by funda-
mentally mistaken ideas, and they proved that they
are not yet big enough for the job.

They began with a spirit of contempt for the
Korean. Good administration is impossible with-
out sympathy on the part of the administrators;
with a blind and foolish contempt, sympathy is im-
possible. They started out to assimilate the
Koreans, to destroy their national ideals, to root
out their ancient ways, to make them over again as
Japanese, but Japanese of an inferior brand, sub-

184: KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

ject to disabilities from which their overlords were
free. Assimilation with equality is difficult, save in
the case of small, weak peoples, lacking tradition
and national ideals. But assimilation with in-
feriority, attempted on a nation with a historic ex-
istence going back four thousand years is an abso-
lutely impossible task. Or, to be more exact, it
would only be possible by assimilating a few, the
weaklings of the nation, and destroying the strong
majority by persecution, direct killing and a steady
course of active corruption, with drugs and vice.

The Japanese overestimated their own capacity
and underestimated the Korean. They had care-
fully organized their claque in Europe and America,
especially in America. They engaged the services
of a group of paid agents some of them holding
highly responsible positions to sing their praises
and advocate their cause. They enlisted others by
more subtle means, delicate flattery and social am-
bition. They taught diplomats and consular of-
ficials, especially of Great Britain and America, that
it was a bad thing to become a persona non grata to
Tokyo. They were backed by a number of people,
who were sincerely won over by the finer sides of
the Japanese character. In diplomatic and social in-
trigue, the Japanese make the rest of the world
look as children. They used their forces not
merely to laud themselves, but to promote the be-
lief that the Koreans were an exhausted and good-
for-nothing race.

In the end, they made the fatal mistake of believ-

L "I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOBPKMSTS" 185

ing what their sycophants and flatterers told them.
Japanese civilization was the highest in the world;
Japan was to be the future leader, not alone of
Asia, but of all nations. The Korean was fit for
nothing but to act as hewer of wood and drawer of
water for his overlord.

Had Japan been wise and long-sighted enough
to treat the Koreans as America treated the Cubans
or England the people of the Straits Settlements,
there would have been a real amalgamation al-
though not an assimilation of the two peoples.
The Koreans were wearied of the extravagances,
abuses and follies of their old administration. But
Japan in place of putting Korean interests first
ruled the land for the benefit of Japan. The Japa-
nese exploiter, the Japanese settler were the main
men to be studied.

Then Japan sought to make the land a show
place. Elaborate public buildings were erected,
railroads opened, state maintained, far in excess of
the economic strength of the nation. To pay for
extravagant improvements, taxation and personal
service were made to bear heavily on the people.
Many of the improvements were of no possible
service to the Koreans themselves. They were
made to benefit Japanese or to impress strangers.
And the officials forgot that even subject peoples
have ideals and souls. They sought to force
loyalty, to beat it into children with the stick and
drill it into men by gruelling experiences in prison
cells. Then they were amazed that they had bred

186 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

i

rebels. They sought to wipe out Korean culture,
and then were aggrieved because Koreans would
not take kindly to Japanese learning. They treated
the Koreans with open contempt, and then won-
dered that they did not love them.

Let us examine the administration more closely
in detail

Its outstanding feature for most of the people
is (I use the present tense because as I write it
still continues) the gendarmerie and police. These
are established all over the country, and they have
in effect, although not in name, power of life or
death. They can enter into any house, without
warrant, and search it They destroy whatever
they please, on the spot Thus if a policeman
searches the room of a student, and sees a book
which does not please him, he can and does
often burn it on the spot Sometimes he takes it
into the street and burns it there, to impress the
neighbours.

One of the police visits most feared by many
villagers is the periodical examinations to see if the
houses are clean. If the policemen are not satis-
fied, they do not trouble to take the people to the
station, but give them a flogging then and there.
This house examination is frequently used by po-
lice in districts where they wish to punish the
Christians, or to prevent their neighbours from be-
coming Christians. The Christian houses are vis-
ited and the Christians flogged, sometimes without
even troubling to examine the houses at all. This

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCORPIONS ~ 187

method particularly prevails in parts of the Pyeng-
yang province.

The police can arrest and search or detain any
person, without warrant. This right of search is
freely used on foreigners as well as Koreans. Any
Korean taken to the police station can, in practice,
be kept in custody as long as wanted, without trial,
and then can be released without trial, or can be
summarily punished without trial by the police.

The usual punishment is flogging only Koreans
and not Japanese or foreigners are liable to be
flogged. This punishment can be given in such a
way as to cripple, to confine the victim to his home
for weeks, or to kill. While it is not supposed to
be practiced on women, on men over sixty-five or
on boys under fifteen, the police flog indiscrimi-
nately.

The Japanese Government passed, some years
ago, regulations to prevent the abuse of flogging.
These regulations are a dead letter. Here is the
official statement:

" It was decided to retain it (flogging), but only
for application to native offenders. In March,
1912, Regulations concerning Flogging and the En-
forcing Detailed Regulations being promulgated,
many improvements were made in the measures
hitherto practiced. Women, boys under the age of
fifteen and old men over the age of sixty are ex-
empt from flogging, while the infliction of this pun-
ishment on sick convicts and on the insane is to be
postponed for six months. The method of inflic-

JfltttLT Jb'OJtfi jj'J

tion was also improved so that by observing
greater humanity, unnecessary pain in carrying out
a flogging could be avoided, as far as possible." *

So much for the official claim. Now for the facts.

In the last year for which returns are available,
1916-17, 82,121 offenders were handled by police
summary judgment, that is, punished by the police
on the spot, without trial. Two-thirds of these
punishments (in the last year when actual flogging
figures were published) were floggings.

The instrument used is two bamboos lashed to-
gether. The maximum legal sentence is ninety
blows, thirty a day for three days in succession.
To talk of this as " greater humanity " or " avoid-
ing unnecessary pain " gives me nausea. Any ex-
perienced official who has had to do with such
things will bear me out in the assertion that it is
deliberately calculated to inflict the maximum of
pain which the human frame can stand, and in the
most long drawn out manner.

Sick men, women and boys and old men are
flogged.

In the disturbances of 1919 wounded men who
were being nursed in the foreign hospitals in Seoul
were taken out by the police to be flogged, despite
the protests of doctors and nurses. There were
many cases reported of old men being flogged.
The stripping and flogging of women, particularly
young women, was notorious.

a Annual Report of Reforms and Progress in Chosen, Keijo
(Seoul), 1914.

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOEPIONS" 189

Here is one case of the flogging of boys.

The following letter from a missionary in Sun-
chon where there is a Presbyterian hospital,
dated May 25, 1919, was printed in the report of
the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in
America. I have seen other communications from
people who saw these boys, amply confirming the
letter, if it requires confirmation.

Eleven Kangkei boys came here from . All

the eleven were beaten ninety stripes thirty each day
for three days, May 16, 17 and 18, and let out May i8th.
Nine came here May 22nd, and two more May 24th.

Tak Chan-kuk died about noon, May 23rd.

Kim Myungha died this evening.

Kim Hyungsun is very sick.

Kim Chungsun and Song Taksam are able to walk but
are badly broken.

Kim Oosik seemed very doubtful but afterwards im-
proved.

Choi Tungwon, Kim Changook, Kim Sungkil, and Ko
Pongsu are able to be about, though the two have
broken flesh.

Kim Syungha rode from on his bicycle and

reached here about an hour before his brother died. The
first six who came into the hospital were in a dreadful
fix, four days after the beating. No dressing or anything
had been done for them. Dr. Sharrocks just told me
that he feels doubtful about some of the others since
Myungha died. It is gangrene. One of these boys is a
Chun Kyoin, and another is not a Christian, but the
rest are all Christians.

Mr. Lampe has photographs. The stripes were laid
on to the buttocks and the flesh pounded into a pulp.

Greater humanity ! Avoiding unnecessary pain !
It is obvious that the method of police abso-

190 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEBEDOM

lutism Is open to very great abuse. In practice it
works out as galling tyranny. A quotation from
the Japan Chronicle illustrates one of the abuses :

" In the course of interpellations put forward by a
certain member in the last session of the Diet, he re-
marked on the strength of a statement made by a public
procurator of high rank in Korea, that it was usual for
a gendarme who visits a Korean house for the purpose
of searching for a criminal to violate any female inmate
of the house and to take away any article that suits his
fancy. And not only had the wronged Koreans no means
of obtaining redress for this outrageous conduct, but the
judicial authorities could take no proceedings against the
offender as they must necessarily depend upon the gen-
darmerie for acceptable evidence of crime."

The police tyranny does not end with flogging.
When a person is arrested, he is at once shut off
from communication with his friends. He is not,
necessarily, informed of the charge against him ; his
friends are not informed. He is not in the early
stages allowed counsel. All that his friends know
is that he has disappeared in the grip of the police,
and he may remain out of sight or sound for
months before being brought to trial or released.

During this period of confinement the prisoner is
first in the hands of the police who are getting up
the case against him. It is their work to extract a
confession. To obtain this they practice torture,
often of the most elaborate type. This is particu-
larly true where the prisoners are charged with
political offences, I deal with this aspect of affairs

I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCORPIONS" 191

more in detail in later chapters, so that there is no
need of me to bring proof at this point.

After the police have completed their case, the
prisoner is brought before the procurator, whose
office would, if rightly used, be a check on the
police. But in many cases the police act as procu-
rators in Korea, and in others the procurators and
police work hand in hand.

When the prisoner is brought before the court he
has little of the usual protection afforded in a Brit-
ish or American Court. It is for him to prove his
innocence of the charge. His judge is the nominee
of the Government-General and is its tool, who
practically does what the Government-General tells
him. The complaint of the most sober and experi-
enced friends of the Koreans is that they cannot
obtain justice unless it is deemed expedient by the
authorities to give them justice.

Under this system crime has enormously in-
creased. The police create it. The best evidence
of this is contained in the official figures. In the
autumn of 1912 Count Terauchi stated, in answer
to the report that thousands of Korean Christians
had been confined in jail, that he had caused en-
quiry to be made and there were only 287 Koreans
confined in the various jails of the country (New
York Sun, October 3, 1912). The Count's fig-
ures were almost certainly incorrect, or else the
police released all the prisoners on the day the
reckoning was taken, except the necessary few kept
for effect The actual number of convicts in Korea

192 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE. FEEEDOM

in 1912 was close on twelve thousand, according to
the official details published later. If they were
true they make the contrast with later years the
more amazing.

The increase of arrests and convictions is shown
in the following official return,

NUMBER OF KOREANS IMPRISONED

Convicts Awaiting trial Total

1911 7,342 9,465 16,807

1912 9,652 9,842 19.494

1913 11,652 10,194 21,846

1914 12,962 11,472 24,434

1915 14,411 12,844 27,255
19*6 17,577 iS, 2 59 32,836

Individual liberty is non-existent The life of
the Korean is regulated down to the smallest detail*
If he is rich, he is generally required to have a
Japanese steward who will supervise his expendi-
ture. If he has money in the bank, he can only
draw a small sum out at a time, unless he gives
explanation why he needs it

He has not the right of free meeting, free speech
or a free press. Before a paper or book can be
published it has to pass the censor. This censor-
ship is carried to an absurd degree. It starts with
school books ; it goes on to every word a man may
write or speak. It applies to the foreigners as well
as Koreans. The very commencement day
speeches of 'school children are censored. The
Japanese journalist in Korea who dares to criticize
the administration is sent to prison almost as

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOBPIOKS" 193

quickly as the Korean. Japanese newspaper men
have found it intolerable and have gone back to
Japan, refusing to work under it. There is only
one newspaper now published in Korea in the
Korean language, and it is edited by a Japanese.
An American missionary published a magazine,
and attempted to include in it a few mild comments
on current events. He was sternly bidden not to
attempt it again. Old books published before the
Japanese acquired control have been freely des-
troyed. Thus a large number of school books
not in the least partizan prepared by Professor
Hulbert were destroyed.

The most ludicrous example of censorship gone
mad was experienced by Dr. Gale, one of the oldest,
most learned and most esteemed of the mission-
aries in Korea. Dr. Gale is a British subject. For
a long time he championed the Japanese cause,
until the Japanese destroyed his confidence by their
brutalities in 1919. But the fact that Dr. Gale was
their most influential friend did not check the Japa-
nese censors. On one occasion Dr. Gale learned
that some Korean " Readers " prepared by him for
use in schools had been condemned. He enquired
the reason. The Censor replied that the book
" contained dangerous thoughts." Still more puz-
zled, the doctor politely enquired if the Censor
would show the passages containing "dangerous
thoughts." The Censor thereupon pointed out a
translation of Kipling's famous story of the ele-
phant, which had been included in the book. " In

194 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

that story," said he ominously, " the elephant re-
fused to serve his second master." What could be
more obvious that Dr. Gale was attempting to
teach Korean children, in this subtle fashion, to
refuse to serve their second master, the Japanese
Emperor !

For a Korean to be a journalist has been for him
to be a marked man liable to constant arrest, not
for what he did or does, but for what the police
suppose he may do or might have done. The
natural result of this has been to drive Koreans
out of regular journalism, and to lead to the crea-
tion of a secret press.

The next great group of grievances of Koreans
come under the head of Exploitation. From the
beginning the Japanese plan has been to take as
much land as possible from the Koreans and hand
it over to Japanese. Every possible trick has been
used to accomplish this. In the early days of the
Japanese occupation, the favourite plan was to
seize large tracts of land on the plea that they were
needed for the Army or Navy; to pay a pittance for
them; and then to pass considerable portions of
them on to Japanese. "There can be no ques-
tion," admitted Mr. W. D. Stevens, the American
member and supporter of Prince Ito's administra-
tion, " that at the outset the military authorities in
Korea did intimate an intention of taking more
land for their uses than seemed reasonable."

The first attempt of the Japanese to grab in
wholesale fashion the public lands of Korea, under

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCORPION" 195

the so-called Nagamori scheme, aroused so much
indignation that it was withdrawn. Then they set
about accomplishing the same end in other ways.
Much of the land of Korea was public land, held by
tenants from time immemorial under a loose sys-
tem of tenancy. This was taken over by the Gov-
ernment-General. All leases were examined, and
people called on to show their rights to hold their
property. This worked to the same end.

The Oriental Development Company was
formed for the primary purpose of developing
Korea by Japanese and settling Japanese on Ko-
rean land, Japanese immigrants being given free
transportation, land for settlement, implements and
other assistance. This company is an immense
semi-official trust of big financial interests in direct
cooperation with the Government, and is supported
by an official subsidy of 50,000 a year. Working
parallel to it is the Bank of Chosen, the semi-official
banking institution which has been placed supreme
and omnipotent in Korean finance.

How this works was explained by a writer in the
New York Times (January 29, 1919). " These
people declined to part with their heritage. It was
here that the power of the Japanese Government
was felt in a manner altogether Asiatic. . . .
Through its branches this powerful financial insti- '
tution . , , called in all the specie in the coun-
try, thus making, as far as circulating medium is
concerned, the land practically valueless. In order
to pay taxes and to obtain the necessaries of life,

196 KOREA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

the Korean must have cash, and in order to obtain
it, he must sell his land. Land values fell very rap-
idly, and in some instances land was purchased by
the agents of the Bank of Chosen for one-fifth of
its former valuation/ 5 There may be some dispute
about the methods employed. There can be no
doubt about the result. One-fifth of the richest
land in Korea is to-day in Japanese hands.

Allied to this system of land exploitation comes
the Corvee, or forced labour exacted from the
country people for road making. In moderation
this might be unobjectionable. As enforced by the
Japanese authorities, it has been an appalling bur-
den. The Japanese determined to have a system
of fine roads. They have built them by the
Corvee.

The most convincing evidence for outsiders on
this land exploitation and on the harshness of the
Corvee comes from Japanese sources. Dr. Yo-
shino, a professor of the Imperial University of
Tokyo, salaried out of the Government Treasury,
made a special study of Korea. He wrote in the
Taschuo-Koron of Tokyo, that the Koreans have
no objection to the , construction of good roads,
but that the official 'way of carrying out the
work is tyrannical. "Without consideration and
mercilessly, they have resorted to laws for the ex-
propriation of land, the Koreans concerned being
compelled to part with their family property almost
for nothing. On many occasions they have also
been forced to work in the construction of roads

" I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOBPIOKS" 197

without receiving any wages. To make matters
worse, they must work for nothing only on the days
which are convenient to the officials, however in-
convenient these days may be to the unpaid
workers." The result has generally been that
while the roads were being built for the convenient
march of the Japanese troops to suppress the
builders of the roads, many families were bank-
rupted and starving.

" The Japanese make improvements," say the
Koreans. "But they make them to benefit their
own people, not us. They improve agriculture,
and turn the Korean farmers out and replace them
by Japanese. They pave and put sidewalks in a
Seoul street, but the old Korean shopkeepers in
that street have gone, and Japanese have come.
They encourage commerce, Japanese commerce,
but the Korean tradesman is hampered and tied
down in many ways." Education has been wholly
Japanized. That is to say the primary purpose of
the schools is to teach Korean children to be good
Japanese subjects. Teaching is mostly done in
Japanese, by Japanese teachers. The whole ritual
and routine is towards the glorification of Japan.

The Koreans complain, however, that, apart
from this, the system of teaching established for
Koreans in Korea is inferior to that established for
Japanese there. Japanese and Korean children are
taught in separate schools. The course of educa-
tion for Koreans is four years, for Japanese six.
The number of schools provided for Japanese is

198 KOB^A'S FIGHT FOR FEEEDOM

proportionately very much larger than for Koreans,
and a much larger sum of money is spent on them.
The Japanese may however claim, with some jus-
tice, that they are in the early days of the develop-
ment of Korean education, and they must be given
more time to develop it Koreans bitterly complain
of the ignoring of Korean history in the public
schools, and the systematic efforts to destroy old
sentiments. These efforts, however, have been
markedly unsuccessful, and the Government school
students were even more active than mission school
students in the Independence movement.

It was a Japanese journalist who published the
case of the Principal of a Public School for girls
who roused the indignation of the girls under him
during a lecture on Ethics with the syllogism,
" Savages are healthy; Koreans are healthy; there-
fore Koreans are savages/' Other teachers roused
their young pupils to fury, after the death of the
ex-Emperor, by employing openly of him the
phrase which ordinarily indicates a low-class coolie.
In the East, where honorifics and exact designa-
tions count for much, no greater insults could be
imagined.

The greatest hardships of the regime of the
Government-General have been the denial of jus-
tice, the destruction of liberty, the shutting out of
the people from all real participation in administra-
tion, the lofty assumption and display of a spirit
of insolent superiority by the Japanese, and the
deliberate degradation of the people by the cultiva-

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOKPIOtfS 199

tion of vice for the purpose of personal profit In
the old days, opium was practically unknown. To-
day opium is being cultivated on a large scale under
the direct encouragement of the Government, and
the sale of morphia is carried on by large numbers
of Japanese itinerant merchants. In the old days,
vice hid its head. To-day the most prominent fea-
ture at night-time in Seoul, the capital, is the bril-
liantly lit Yoshiwara, officially created and run by
Japanese, into which many Korean girls are
dragged. Quarters of ill fame have been built up
in many parts of the land, and Japanese panders
take their gangs of diseased women on tours
through smaller districts. On one occasion when
I visited Sun-chon I found that the authorities had
ordered some of the Christians to find accommoda-
tion in their homes for Japanese women of ill fame.
Some Koreans in China sent a petition to the
American Minister in Peking which dealt with
some moral aspects of the Japanese rule of Korea.
They said :

"The Japanese have encouraged immorality by re-
moving Korean marriage restrictions, and allowing mar-
riages without formality and without regard for age.
There have been marriages at as early an age as twelve.
Since the annexation there have been 80,000 divorce cases
in Korea. The Japanese encourage, as a source of reve-
nue, the sale of Korean prostitutes in Chinese cities.
Many of these prostitutes are only fourteen and fifteen
years old. It is a part of the Japanese policy of race ex-
termination, by which they hope to destroy all Koreans.
May God regard these facts.

" The Japanese Government has established a bureau

200 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

for the sale of opium, and under the pretext that opium
was to be used for medicinal purposes has caused Ko-
reans and Formosans to engage in poppy cultivation.
The opium is secretly shipped into China. Because of
the Japanese encouragement of this traffic many Koreans
have become users of the drug.

" The Japanese forbid any school courses for Koreans
higher than the middle school and the higher schools es-
tablished by missionary organizations are severely regu-
lated. The civilization of the Far East originated in
China, and was brought first to Korea and thence to
Japan. The ancient books were more numerous in
Korea than in Japan, but after annexation the Japanese
set about destroying these books, so that Koreans should
not be able to learn them. This 'burning of the books
and murder of the literati ' was for the purpose of de-
basing the Koreans and robbing them of their ancient
culture. . * .

"How can our race avoid extermination? Even if
the Government of Japan were benevolent, how could
the Japanese understand the aches and pains of another
race of people ? With her evil Government can there be
anything but racial extermination for us ? "

From the time of the reopening of Korea the
Japanese have treated the Koreans in personal in-
tercourse as the dust beneath their feet, or as one
might imagine a crude and vixenish tempered
woman of peasant birth whose husband had ac-
quired great wealth by some freak of fortune treat-
ing an unfortunate poor gentlewoman who had
come in her employment This was bad enough
in the old days; since the Japanese acquired full
power in Korea it has become infinitely worse.

The Japanese coolie punches the Korean who
chances to stand in his august path. The Japanese

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOEPIOSTS" 201

woman, wife of a little trader, spits out the one
contemptuous sentence she has learned in the Ko-
rean tongue, when a Korean man draws near on
the boat or on the train. The little official assumes
an air of ineffable disdain and contempt. A mem-
ber of the Japanese Diet was reported in the Japa-
nese press to have said that in Korea the Japanese
gendarmes were in the habit of exacting from the
Korean school children the amount of deference
which in Japan would be proper to the Imperial
Household.

The lowest Japanese coolie practices the right to
kick, beat and cuff a Korean of high birth at his
pleasure, and the Korean has in effect no redress.
Had the Koreans from the first have met blow with
blow, a number of them no doubt would have died,
but the Japanese would have been cured of the
habit The Korean dislike of fighting, until he has
really some serious reason for a fight, has encour-
aged the Japanese bully; but it makes the bully's
offence none the less.

Japanese officials in many instances seem to de-
light in exaggerating their contempt on those
under them. This is particularly true of some of
the Japanese teachers. Like all Government offi-
cials, these teachers wear swords, symbols of
power. Picture the dignity of the teacher of a
class of little boys who lets his sword clang to ter-
rify the youngsters under him, or who tries to
frighten the girls by displaying his weapon.

The iron rule of Terauchi was followed by the

202 KOKEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

iron rule of Hasegawa, his successor. The strug-
gle of the rebel army in the hills had died down.
But men got together, wondering what steps they
could take. Christians and non-Christians found a
common bond of union. Their life had come to a
pass where it was better to die than to live under
unchecked tyranny. Thus the Independence move-
ment came into being.

The Koreans who, despoiled of their homes or
determined to submit no longer to Japan, escaped
into Manchuria, escaped as a rule by the difficult
and dangerous journey across the high mountain
passes. What this journey means can best be un-
derstood from a report by the Rev. W. T. Cook, of
the Manchuria Christian College at Moukden.

" The untold afflictions of the Korean immigrants com-
ing into Manchuria will doubtless never be fully realized,
even by those actually witnessing their distress. In the
still closeness of a forty below zero climate in the dead
of winter, the silent stream of white clad figures creeps
over the icy mountain passes, in groups of tens, twenties
and fifties, seeking a new world of subsistence, willing
to take a chance of life and death in a hand-to-hand
struggle with the stubborn soil of Manchuria's wooded
and stony hillsides. Here, by indefatigable efforts, they
seek to extract a living by applying- the grub axe and
hand hoe to the barren mountain sides above the Chinese
fields, planting and reaping by hand between the roots
the sparse yield that is often insufficient to sustain life.

"Many have died from insufficient food. Not only
women and children but young men have been frozen to
death. Sickness also claims its toll under these new
conditions of exposure. Koreans have been seen stand-
ing barefooted on the broken ice of a riverside fording

"I WILL WHIP YOU WITH SCOBPIONS" 203

place, rolling up their baggy trousers before wading
through the broad stream, two feet deep, of ice cold water,
then standing on the opposite side while they hastily
readjust their clothing and shoes.

" Women with insufficient clothing, and parts of their
bodies exposed, carry little children on their backs, thus
creating a mutual warmth in a slight degree, but it is in
this way that the little ones' feet, sticking out from the
binding basket, get frozen and afterwards fester till the
tiny toes stick together. Old men and women, with bent
backs and wrinkled faces, walk the uncomplaining miles
until their old limbs refuse to call them further.

" Thus it is by households they come, old and young,
weak and strong, big and little. . . . Babies have
been born in wayside inns.

" In this way over 75,000 Koreans have entered dur-
ing the past year, until the number of Koreans now living
in both the north and western portions of Manchuria now
totals nearly half a million." *

1 Report to the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions.

XII

THE MISSIONARIES

I HAVE had occasion in previous chapters to
make occasional reference to the work of the
missionaries in Korea. It is necessary now to
deal with them in detail, for they had become one
of the great factors, and from the Japanese point
of view one of the great problems, of the country.

Long before Korea was open to the outside
world, missionary pioneers tried to enter it. The
French Catholics forced admission as far back as
the end of the eighteenth century, and made many
converts, who were afterwards exterminated. Gut-
zaleff, a famous Protestant pioneer, landed on an
island at Basil's Bay, in 1832, and remained there
a month, distributing Chinese literature. Mr.
Thomas, a British missionary, secured a passage on
board the ill-fated General Sherman in 1866, and was
killed with the rest of the crew. Dr. Ross, the
Scottish Presbyterian missionary of Moukden,
Manchuria, became interested in the Koreans,
studied their language, talked with every Korean
he could find, and built up a grammar of the lan-
guage, publishing an English-Korean primer in
1876. He and a colleague, Mr. Mclntyre, pub-

204

L THE MISSIONABIES 205

lished Gospels in the language, and opened up a
work among the Koreans on the north side of the
Yalu. Those who can recall the state of that dis-
trict in the days before railways were opened and
order established, can best appreciate the nerve
and daring needed for the task. They made con-
verts, and one of these converts took some newly
printed Christian books and set back home, reach-
ing Seoul itself, spreading the new religion among
his friends.

It was two years after the opening of Korea to
the West before the first missionary arrived. In
1884 Dr. Allen, a Presbyterian physician (after-
wards United States Minister to Korea), arrived at
Seoul. It was very doubtful at this time how mis-
sionaries would be received, or how their converts
would be treated. The law enacting death against
any man who became a Christian was still unre-
pealed, but it was not enforced. Officialism might,
however, revive it at any time. It was thought
advisable, when the first converts were baptized in
1887, to perform the ceremony behind closed doors,
with an earnest and athletic young American edu-
cationalist, Homer B. Hulbert, acting as guard.

Dr. Allen was soon followed by others. Dr.
Underwood, brother of the famous manufacturer of
typewriting machines, was the first non-medical
missionary. The American and Canadian Presby-
terians and Methodists undertook the main work,
and the Church of England set up a bishopric.
Women missionary doctors came, and at once won

206 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

a place for themselves. Names like Appenzeller,
Scranton, Bunker and Gale to name a few of the
pioneers have won a permanent place in the his-
tory of missions.

The missionaries found a land almost without
religion, with few temples and few monks or
priests. Buddhism had been discredited by the
treachery of some Japanese Buddhists during the
great Japanese invasion by Hideyoshi in 1592, and
no Buddhist priest was allowed inside the city of
Seoul. Young men of official rank studied their
Confucius diligently, but to them Confucianism was
more a theory for the conduct of life and a road to
high office than a religion. The main religion of
the people was Shamanism, the fear of evil spirits.
It darkened their souls, as the tales of a foolish
nurse about goblins darken the mind of a sensitive
and imaginative child. The spirits of Shamanism
were evil, not good, a curse, not a blessing, bring-
ing terror, not hope.

Christianity was very fortunate in its representa-
tives. I have seen much of the missionaries of
Manchuria and Korea. A finer, straighter lot of
men I never want to meet The magnificent cli-
mate enables them to keep at the top of form.
They have initiative, daring and common sense.
Those I have known are born leaders, who would
have made their mark anywhere, in business or
politics.

In the early days they had to be ready to set
their hands to anything, to plan and build houses

THE MISSIONAEIES 207

and churches, to open schools, to run a boat down
dangerous rapids or face a dangerous mob, to over-
awe a haughty yang-ban or break in a dangerous
horse. They were the pioneers of civilization as
well as of Christianity.

Religion had to be commended by the courage of
its adherents. When there came a dangerous up-
rising, and every one else fled, the missionary had
to stay at his post. When an epidemic of cholera
or yellow fever swept over a district, the mission-
ary had to act as doctor or nurse. Sometimes the
missionary died, as Dr. Heron died at Seoul and
McKenzie at Sorai. Their deaths were even more
effective than their lives in winning people.

Dr. Allen gained a foothold soon after his arrival
by sticking to his post in Seoul during the uprising
against foreigners that followed the attack by the
Japanese and the reformers on the Cabinet and
their seizure of the King and Queen. When Min
Yung-ik, the Queen's nephew, was badly wounded,
Dr. Allen attended to him and saved his life.
Henceforth the King was the missionaries' friend.
He built a hospital and placed Dr. Allen in charge.
Women missionary doctors were appointed Court
physicians to the Queen.

There were years of waiting, when the converts
were few, and when it seemed that the barriers of
four thousand years never would be broken down.
Then came the Chino-Japanese War. Koreans
were forced to see that this Western civilization,
which had enabled little Japan to beat the Chinese

208 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM

giant, must mean something. A young man from
Indiana, Samuel Moffett, with a companion, Gra-
ham Lee, had gone some time before to Pyeng-
yang, reputedly the worst city in Korea. Here
they had been stoned and abused* When the Chi-
nese Army came to Pyeng-yang, and the country
was devastated in the great and decisive battle be-
tween the Chinese and Japanese, these two men
stayed by the Koreans in their darkest and most
perilous hours. Koreans still tell how " Moksa "
Moffett put on the dress of a Korean mourner and
went freely around despite the Chinese, who would
have almost certainly devised a specially lingering
death for him, had they discovered his presence.

" There must be something in this religion/' said
the Koreans. Sturdy old John Newton's belief
that the worst sinner makes the finest saint was
borne out in the case of Pyeng-yang. It became in
a few years one of the greatest scenes of missionary
triumph in Asia. The harvest was ripening now.
In Seoul men flung into jail for political offences
turned to prayer in the darkness and despair of
their torture chambers, and went to death praising
God. The Secretary to the King's Cabinet
preached salvation to his fellow Cabinet Ministers.

The tens of converts grew to tens of thousands.
From the first, the Koreans showed themselves to
be Christians of a very unusual type. They started
by reforming their homes, giving their wives lib-
erty and demanding education for their children.
They took the promises and commands of the Bible

THE mSSIOHA-BIES, 209

literally and established a standard of conduct for
church members which, if it were enforced in some
older Christian communities, would cause a serious
contraction of the church rolls. The first convert
set out to preach to his friends. Latter converts
imitated his example. From Pyeng-yang the
movement spread to Sun-chon, which in a few
years rivalled Pyeng-yang as a Christian centre.
From here Christianity spread to the Yalu and up
the Tumen River.

The Koreans themselves established Christianity
in distant communities where no white man had
ever been. Soon many of the missionaries were
kept busy for several months each year travelling
with pack-pony and mafoo, from station to station
in the most remote parts of the country, fording and
swimming unbridged rivers, climbing mountain
passes, inspecting and examining and instructing
the converts, admitting them to church member-
ship and organizing them for still more effective
work.

When I hear the cheap sneers of the obtuse stay-
at-home or globe-trotter critics against mission-
aries and their converts, I am amused. It gives me
the measure of the men, particularly of the globe-
trotters. When the British and American Churches
seek to send out missionaries, the British and
American people will have registered the sure sign
of their decadence. For the Churches and nations
will then cease to be alive. In travelling through
the north country I employed a number of the

210 [KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

Christian converts. I found them clean and hon-
est, good, hard workers, men who showed their
religion not by talk, but by good, straight action.
It is a grief to me to know that some of these
" boys " have since, because of their prominence
as Christian workers, been the victims of official
persecution.

Under the influence of the missionaries many
schools were opened; hospitals and dispensaries
were maintained, and a considerable literature,
educational as well as religious, was circulated.

When the Japanese landed in Korea in 1904, the
missionaries welcomed them. They knew the tyr-
anny and abuses of the old Government, and be-
lieved that the Japanese would help to better
things. The ill-treatment of helpless Koreans by
Japanese soldiers and coolies caused a considerable
reaction of feeling. When, however, Prince Ito
became Resident-General the prevailing sentiment
was that it would be better for the people to submit
and to make the best of existing conditions, in the
hope that the harshness and injustice of Japanese
rule would pass.

Most of the Europeans and Americans in Korea
at the time adopted this line. I travelled largely
in the interior of Korea in 1906 and 1907. Groups
of influential Koreans came to me telling their
grievances and asking what to do. Sometimes big
assemblies of men asked me to address them.
They believed me to be their friend, and were will-
ing to trust me. My advice was always the same.

THE MISSIONAEIES 211

" Submit and make yourselves better men. You
can do nothing now by taking up arms. Educate
your children, improve your homes, better your
lives. Show the Japanese by your conduct and
your self-control that you are as good as they are,
and fight the corruption and apathy that helped to
bring your nation to its present position." Let me
add that I did what I could in England, at the same
time, to call attention to their grievances.

Prince Ito was openly sympathetic to the mis-
sionaries and to their medical and educational
work. He once explained why, in a public gather-
ing at Seoul. " In the early years of Japan's refor-
mation, the senior statesmen were opposed to re-
ligious toleration, especially because of distrust of
Christianity. But I fought vehemently for free-
dom of belief and religious propaganda, and finally
triumphed. My reasoning was this: Civilization
depends on morality and the highest morality upon
religion. Therefore religion must be tolerated and
encouraged."

Ito passed off the scene, Korea was formally an-
nexed to Japan, and Count Terauchi became Gov-
ernor-General. Terauchi was unsympathetic to
Christianity and a new order of affairs began. One
of the difficulties of the Christians was over the
direction that children in schools and others should
bow before the picture of the Japanese Emperor on
feast days. The Japanese tried to maintain to the
missionaries that this was only a token of respect;
the Christians declared that it was an act of adora-

212 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

tion. To the Japanese his Emperor is a divine
being, the descendant of the gods.

Christians who refused to bow were carefully
noted as malignants. In the famous Conspiracy
Case, the official Assistant Procurator, in urging
the conviction of one of the men, said : " He was
head teacher of the Sin-an School, Chong-ju, and
was a notorious man of anti-Japanese sentiments.
He was the very obstinate member of the Society
who, at a meeting on the first anniversary of the
birthday of the Emperor of Japan after the annexa-
tion of Korea, refused to bow before the Imperial
picture on the ground that such an act was wor-
shipping an image." This one item was the only
fact that the Assistant Procurator produced to
prove the head teacher's guilt. He was convicted,
and awarded seven years' penal servitude.

A strong effort was made to Japanize the Korean
Churches, to make them branches of the Japanese
Churches, and to make them instruments in the
Japanese campaign of assimilation. The mission-
aries resisted this to the utmost. They declared
that they would be neutral in political matters, as
they were directed by their Governments to be.
Having failed to win them over to their side, the
Japanese authorities entered into a campaign for
the breaking down of the Churches, particularly
the Presbyterian Churches of the north. I am well
aware that they deny this, but here is a case where
actions and speeches cannot be reconciled.

Attempts were pushed to create churches of

THE MISSIONAKIES 213

Koreans under Japanese. Son Pyung-hi, who
had proved a good friend of Japan during the
Chinese War, had been encouraged by the Japa-
nese some time before to start a religious sect, the
Chon-do Kyo, which it was hoped would replace
Christianity, and prove a useful weapon for Japan.
Here a blunder was made, for later on Son Pyung-
hi flung all his influence against Japan and
worked with the native Christian leaders to start
the Independence movement. More important
than either of these two things, however, direct
persecution was begun. Several hundred Korean
Christian leaders in the north were arrested, and
out of them 144 were taken to Seoul, tortured, and
charged with a conspiracy to murder the Governor-
General. Various missionaries were named as
their partners in crime. The tale of the conspiracy
was a complete fabrication manufactured by the
police. I describe it fully in the next chapter.

Following this came regulations aimed at the
missionary schools and institutions. At the time
of annexation, almost the whole of the real modern
education of Korea was undertaken by the mission-
aries, who were maintaining 778 schools. A series
of Educational Ordinances was promulgated in
March, 1915, directing that no religious teaching is
to be permitted in private schools, and no religious
ceremonies allowed to be performed. The Japa-
nese authorities made no secret of their intention
of eventually closing all missionary schools, on the
ground that even when religious teaching was ex-

214 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

eluded, pupils were influenced by their teachers,
and the influence of the foreign teachers was
against the Japanization of the Koreans. Mr. Ko-
matsu, Director of the Bureau of Foreign Affairs,
put this point without any attempt at concealment,
in a public statement " Our object of education
is not only to develop the intellect and morality of
our people, but also to foster in their minds such
national spirit as will contribute to the existence
and welfare of our Empire. . , , I sincerely
hope that you will appreciate this change of the
time and understand that missions should leave all
affairs relating entirely to education entirely in the
hands of the Government, by transferring the
money and labour they have hitherto been expend-
ing on education to their proper sphere of religious
propagation. . . . Whatever the curriculum of
a school may be, it is natural that the students of
that school should be influenced by the ideas and
personal character of its principal and teachers.
Education must be decidedly nationalistic and must
not be mixed up with religion that is universal."
This is a much harsher regulation against missions
than prevails in Japan, where mission schools are
allowed to continue their work, with freedom to
carry on their religious teaching.

The Government-General agreed to allow mis-
sion schools that had already obtained Govern-
ment permits to continue for ten years without
having the regulations enforced. Schools that had
applied for the permit but had not obtained it,

THE MISSIOKABIES 215

owing to formal official delays, were ordered to
obey or close, and police were sent to see that they
closed.

The Government commanded the mission schools
to cease using their own text-books and to use the
officially prepared text-books. These are carefully
prepared to eliminate " dangerous thoughts," i. e.,
anything that will promote a desire for freedom.
They directly teach ancestral worship. The mis-
sionaries have protested in every way they can.
The Government-General is adamant.

Before the start of the Independence movement
the mission schools were being carefully watched.
Dr. Arthur J. Brown gives one example of their
experiences/ in connection with the graduating ex-
ercises at the Pyeng-yang Junior College last year.

" Four students made addresses. The foreigners pres-
ent deemed them void of offence, but the police declared
that all the speakers had said things subversive of the
public good. The students were arrested, interrogated
and then released, as their previous records had been
good. The provincial chief of gendarmes, however, sum-
moned the students before him and again investigated
the case. The president of the college was called to the
office, and strictly charged to exercise greater care in
the future. The matter was then reported to the Gov-
ernor of the Province, and then to the Governor-General.
The latter wrote to the president of the college that the
indiscretion of the students was so serious that the Gov-
ernment was contemplating closing the school. A similar
communicaton was sent by the Governor-General to the
provincial Governor, who thereupon called the president

la The Mastery of the Far East," by Arthur Judson Brown.

216 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

to his office, and said that unless he was prepared to make
certain changes the school would have to close. These
changes were enumerated as follows: (i) Appointment
of a Japanese head master; (2) dismissal of three of
the boys who had spoken ; relief of the fourth from cer-
tain assignments of teaching which he was doing in the
academy, and promise not to repeat the oratorical pro-
gram in the future; (3) secure more Japanese teach-
ers, especially those who could understand Korean; (4)
do all teaching, except the Chinese classics, Korean lan-
guage and English, through the medium of the Japanese
language; prepare syllabi of the subjects of instruction,
so as to limit it to specified points, teachers not to de-
viate from them nor to speak on forbidden subjects; (6)
conform to the new regulations. (That is, eliminate all
Christian instruction.) When the president replied that
he would do all that he could to make the first five
changes desired, but that as to the sixth change, the
mission preferred to continue for the present under the
old permit which entitled the college to the ten year period
of grace, the official was plainly disappointed, and he
intimated that number six was the most important of all. "

The Independence movement in 1919 enor-
mously increased the difficulties of the missionaries,
although they refrained from any direct or indirect
participation in it, and the Koreans carefully
avoided letting- them know anything ahead about
it. The difficulties of the missionaries, and the
direct action of the authorities against Christianity
at that time is told later, in the chapters dealing
with the movement.

The Japanese authorities will probably do two
things. They will order the closing of schools
under various pretexts where Christian teaching is
still maintained. They will endeavour to secure

THE MISSIOtfABIES 217

the elimination of those missionaries who have
shown a marked sympathy with the Korean people.
They have ample powers to prosecute any mission-
ary who is guilty of doing anything to aid disaffec-
tion. They have repeatedly searched missionary
homes and missionaries themselves to find evidence
of this. Save in the case of Mr. Mowry, who was
convicted of sheltering some students wanted by
the police, they have failed. Even in that case the
original conviction has been quashed on appeal.
Such evidence does not exist, because the mission-
aries have been really neutral. Neutrality does
not satisfy Japan ; she wants them to come out on
her side. Unfortunately her action this year has
turned many away from her who tried hard up to
then to be her friends.

XIII
TORTURE A LA MODE

11 r I ^HE main thing, when you are tortured, is
I to remain calm."

-- The Korean spoke quietly and in a

matter-of-fact way. He himself had suffered tor-
ture in its most severe form. Possibly he thought
there was a chance that I, too, might have a per-
sonal experience.

" Do not struggle. Do not fight," he continued.
" For instance, if you are strung up by the thumbs
and you struggle and kick desperately, you may die
on the spot. Keep absolutely still; it is easier to
endure it in this way. Compel your mind to think
of other things/'

Torture! Who talks of torture in these en-
lightened days?

Let me tell you the tale of the Conspiracy Case,
as revealed in the evidence given in open court,
and then judge for yourself.

When the heads of the Terauchi administration
had made up their minds that the northern Chris-
tians were inimical to the progress of the Japanese
scheme of assimilation, they set their spies to work.
Now the rank and file of spies are very much alike

31$

TOETUEE A LA MODE 219

in all parts of the world. They are ignorant and
often misunderstand things. When they cannot
find the evidence they require, they will manufac-
ture it.

The Japanese spies were exceptionally igno-
rant. First they made up their minds that the
northern Christians were plotting against Japan,
and then they searched for evidence. They at-
tended church services. Here they heard many
gravely suspicious things. There were hymns of
war, like " Onward, Christian Soldiers " and " Sol-
diers of Christ Arise." What could these mean
but that Christians were urged to become an army
and attack the Japanese? Dangerous doctrines
were openly taught in the churches and mission
schools. They learned that Mr. McCune, the Sun-
chon missionary, took the story of David and Go-
liath as the subject for a lesson, pointing out that
a weak man armed with righteousness was more
powerful than a mighty enemy. To the spies, this
was nothing but a direct incitement to the weak
Koreans to fight strong Japan. Mission premises
were searched. Still more dangerous material was
found there, including school essays, written by the
students, on men who had rebelled against their
Governments or had fought, such as George Wash-
ington and Napoleon. A native pastor had
preached about the Kingdom of Heaven ; this was
rank treason. He was arrested and warned that
" there is only one kingdom out here, and that is
the kingdom of Japan."

220 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

In the autumn of 1911 wholesale arrests were
made of Christian preachers, teachers, students and
prominent church members, particularly in the
provinces of Sun-chon and Pyeng-yang. In the
Hugh O'Neill, Jr., Industrial Academy, in Sun-
chon, one of the most famous educational establish-
ments in Korea where the principal had made the
unfortunate choice of David and Goliath for one of
his addresses so many pupils and teachers were
seized by the police that the school had to close.
The men were hurried to jail. They were not
allowed to communicate with their friends, nor to
obtain the advice of counsel. They and their
friends were not informed of the charge against
them. This is in accordance with Japanese crimi-
nal law. Eventually 149 persons were sent to
Seoul to be placed on trial. Three were reported
to have died under torture or as the result of im-
prisonment, twenty-three were exiled without trial
or released, and 123 were arraigned at the Local
Court in Seoul on June 28, 1912, on a charge of
conspiracy to assassinate Count Terauchi, Gov-
ernor-General of Korea.

" The character of the accused men is signifi-
cant/' wrote Dr. Arthur Judson Brown, an author-
ity who can scarcely be accused by his bitterest
critics of unfriendliness to Japan-. " Here were no
criminal types, no baser elements of the popula-
tion, but men of the highest standing, long and inti-
mately known to the missionaries as Koreans of
faith and purity of life, and conspicuous for their

TOETUEE A LA MODE 221

good influence over the people. Two were Con-
gregationalists, six Methodists and eighty-nine
Presbyterians. Of the Presbyterians, five were
pastors of churches, eight were elders, eight dea-
cons, ten leaders of village groups of Christians,
forty-two baptized church members, and thirteen
catechumens. ... It is about as difficult for
those who know them to believe that any such
number of Christian ministers, elders and teachers
had committed crime as it would be for the people
of New Jersey to believe that the faculty, students
and local clergy of Princeton were conspirators and
assassins."

Baron Yun Chi-ho, the most conspicuous of the
prisoners, had formerly been Vice Foreign Minister
under the old Korean Government, and was reck-
oned by all who knew him as one of the most pro-
gressive and sane men in the country. He was a
prominent Christian, wealthy, of high family, a
keen educationalist, vice-president of the Korean
Y. M. C. A., had travelled largely, spoke English
fluently, and had won the confidence and good will
of every European or American in Korea with
whom he came in contact. Yang Ki-tak, formerly
Mr. Bethell's newspaper associate, had on this ac-
count been a marked man by the Japanese police.
He had been previously arrested under the Peace
Preservation Act, sentenced to two years' impris-
onment and pardoned under an amnesty. He had
also previously been examined twice in connection
with the charge against the assassin of Prince Ito,

222 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

and twice on account of the attack made on Yi, the
traitor Premier, but had each time been acquitted.
" I am not very much concerned as to what hap-
pens to me now," he said, " but I do protest against
being punished on a charge of which I am inno-
cent/ 5

The case for the prosecution was based on the
confessions of the prisoners themselves. Accord-
ing to these confessions, a body of Koreans, in as-
sociation with the New People's Society, headed by
Baron Yun Chi-ho, plotted to murder General Ter-
auchi, and assembled at various railway stations for
that purpose, when the Governor-General was
travelling northwards, more particularly at Sun-
chon, on December 28, 1910. They were armed
with ready revolvers, short swords or daggers, and
were only prevented from carrying out their pur-
pose by the vigilance of the gendarmerie.

A number of missionaries were named as their
associates or sympathizers. Chief of these was
Mr. McCune, who, according to the confessions,
distributed revolvers among the conspirators and
told them at Sun-chon that he would point out the
right man by shaking hands with him. Dr. Mof-
fett of Pyeng-yang, Dr. Underwood of Seoul,
Bishop Harris, the Methodist Bishop for Japan and
Korea who had long been conspicuous as a de-
fender of the Japanese Administration, and a num-
ber of other prominent missionaries were impli-
cated.
When the prisoners were faced by these con-

TOBTUBE A LA MODE 223

fessions in the open court they arose, one after
another, almost without exception, and declared
either that they had been forced from them by sus-
tained and intolerable torture, or that they had been
reduced by torture to insensibility and then on re-
covery had been told by the Japanese police that
they had made the confessions. Those who had
assented under torture had in nearly every case
said " Yes " to the statements put to them by the
police. Now that they could speak, they stoutly
denied the charges. They knew nothing of any
conspiracy. The only man who admitted a mur-
der plot in court was clearly demented.

The trial was held in a fashion which aroused
immediate and wide-spread indignation. It was
held, of course, in Japanese, and the official trans-
lator was openly charged in court with minimizing
and altering the statements made by the prisoners.
The judges acted in a way that brought disgrace
on the court, bullying, mocking and browbeating
the prisoners. The high Japanese officials who at-
tended heartily backed the sallies of the bench.

The missionaries who, according to the confes-
sions, had encouraged the conspirators were not
placed on trial. The prisoners urged that they
should be allowed to call them and others as wit-
nesses, and they were eager to come. The request
was refused. Under Japanese law, the judges have
an absolute right to decide what witnesses shall, or
shall not be called. The prosecuting counsel de-
nied the charge of torture, and declared that all of

224 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEBBDOM

the men had been physically examined and not one
of them had even a sign of having been subjected
to such ill-treatment. Thereupon prisoners rose
up and asked to be allowed to show the marks still
on them. " I was bound up for about a month and
subjected to torture/' said one. "I have still
marks of it upon my body." But when he asked
permission to display the marks to the Court, " the
Court," according to the newspaper reports,
" sternly refused to allow this to be done."

The trial closed on August 30th, and judgment
was delivered on September 21st Six prisoners,
including Yun Chi-ho and Yang Ki-tak, were sen-
tenced to ten years' penal servitude; eighteen to
seven years' penal servitude; forty to six years;
forty-two to five years ; and seventeen discharged.

The trial was widely reported, and there was a
wave of indignation, particularly in America. The
case was brought before the Court of Appeal, and
Judge Suzuki, who heard the appeal, was given
orders by the Government-General that he was to
act in conciliatory fashion. The whole atmosphere
of the Court of Appeal was different. There was
no bullying, no browbeating. The prisoners were
listened to indulgently, and were allowed consider-
able latitude in developing their defence. Let me
add that both in the first and in subsequent trials,
prominent Japanese counsel appeared for the pris-
oners, and defended them In a manner in accord-
ance with the best traditions of the law.

The prisoners were now permitted in the Appeal

TORTURE A LA MODE 225

Court to relate in detail how their " confessions "
had been extracted from them by torture. Here
are some typical passages from the evidence.

Chi Sang-chu was a Presbyterian, and a clerk by
calling. He denied that he was guilty.

" All my confession was made under torture. I
did not make these statements of my own accord.
The police said they must know what information
they wanted. They stripped me naked, tied my
hands behind my back, and hung me up in a door-
way, removing the bench on which I stood. They
swung me, making me bump against a door, like a
crane dancing. When I lost consciousness, I was
taken down and given water, and tortured again
when I came to.

" A policeman covered my mouth with my hand,
and poured water into my nose* Again my thumbs
were tied behind my back, one arm over and one
under, and I was hung up by the cord tying them.
A lighted cigarette was pressed against my body,
and I was struck in my private parts. Thus I was
tortured for three or four days. One evening, just
after the meal, I was hung up again, and was told
that I would be released if I confessed, but if not I
would be tortured till I died. They were deter-
mined to make me say whatever they wanted.
Leaving me hanging, the policemen went to sleep,
and I fainted from the torture of hanging there.

" When I came to, I found myself lying on the
floor, the police giving me water. They showed
me a paper, which they said was the order of re-

226 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

lease for Yi Keun-tak and O Hak-su, who had con-
fessed. If I wanted to be set at liberty I must do
the same. Then they beat me again. I saw the
paper and managed with difficulty to read it. It
was to the effect that they did confess and promised
never to do such things again.

" I was then introduced to Yi Keun-tak, who,
they said, had confessed and been acquitted, and
they urged me to follow Yi's example. I urged
them to treat me as they had treated Yi. They
told me what to confess, but as I had never heard
of such things I refused, and they said they had
better kill me,

" They resumed their tortures, and after two or
three months, being unable to bear it any longer, I
confessed all that is required."

Paik Yong-sok, a milk seller and a Presbyterian,
with eleven in his family, said he had been a Chris-
tian for fifteen years and had determined only to
follow the teachings of the Bible; he had never
thought of assassination or considered establishing
the independence of the country. Having to sup-
port a family of eleven, he had no time for such
things.

He had made the confession recited by the
Court, but it was under compulsion and false.
" For a number of days I was tortured twice by day
and twice by night. I was blindfolded, hung up,
beaten. Often I fainted, being unable to breathe.
I thought I was dying and asked the police to shoot
me, so intolerable were my tortures. Driven be-

TOETTJEE A LA MODE 227

yond the bounds of endurance by hunger, thirst and
pain, I said I would say whatever they wanted.

" The police told me that I was of no account
among the twenty million Koreans, and they could
kill or acquit me as they pleased. . . * Mean-
while five or six police dropped in and said, * Have
you repented? Did you take part in the assassina-
tion plots? ' It was too much for me to say ' Yes "
to this question, so I replied 'No/ Immediately
they slapped my cheeks, stripped me, struck, beat
and tormented me. It is quite beyond my power
to describe the difficulty of enduring such pain."

The man paused and pointed to a Japanese,
Watanabe by name, sitting behind the judges.
" That interpreter knows all about it," he said.
" He was one of the men who struck me," Wata-
nabe was pointed out by other prisoners as a man
who had been prominent in tormenting them.

Im Do-myong, a barber and a Presbyterian, also
fell into the hands of experts at the game.

"At the police headquarters, I was hung up,
beaten with an iron rod and tortured twice a day.
Then I was taken into the presence of superiors,
the interpreter (pointing out Watanabe, who was
sitting behind the judges) being present, and tor-
tured again.

" My thumbs were tied together at my back, the
right arm being put back over the shoulder and the
left arm turned up from underneath. Then I was
hung up by the cord that bound my thumbs. The
agony was unendurable. I fainted, was taken

228 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

down, was given torture, and when I came to was
tortured again."

By the Court: " It would be impossible to hang
you by your thumbs."

Prisoner: " My great toes scarcely touched the
ground. Under such circumstances I was told to
say the same thing at the Public Procurator's Of-
fice, and as I feared that I should be tortured there,
too, I said * Yes ' to all questions."

Some variety was introduced into the treatment
of Cho Tok-chan, a Presbyterian pastor, at
Chong-ju.

" The police asked me how many men took part
in the attempt at Sun-chon, saying that as I was a
pastor I must know all about it They hung, beat
and struck me, saying that I had taken part in the
plot and was a member of the New People's Soci-
ety. At last I fainted, and afterwards was unable
to eat for a number of days.

" A policeman in uniform, with one stripe,
twisted my fingers with a wire, so that they were
badly swollen for a long time after. Then a man
with two white stripes tortured me, declaring that
I had taken part in the Sun-chon affair. I said that
I Ayas too busy with Christmas preparations to go
anywhere, on which the policeman severely twisted
my fingers with an iron rod."

Again came one of the dramatic pauses, while the
prisoner pointed out a Japanese official sitting be-
hind the judges, Tanaka by name. "The man
who interpreted at that time is sitting behind you/ 1
he declared. " He knows it very well/*

TOBTTJBE A LA MODE 229

They extracted his confession. But it was some
time before he had been able to sign it; his fingers
were hurt too severely.

It was necessary, after the police examination,
for prisoners to repeat their stories or confirm
them before the procurator. This might originally
have been intended as a protection for the pris-
oners. In Korea police and procurators worked
together. However, steps were taken to prevent
any retraction at that point

" When I was taken to the Public Procurator's
Office/* continued the Presbyterian pastor, " I did
not know the nature of the place, and being put in
a separate room, I feared that it might be an even
more dreadful place than the police headquarters.
Generally, when examined at the police headquar-
ters, my hands were free, but here I was brought
up for cross-examination with my hands and arms
pinioned very firmly, so I thought it must be a
harder place. Moreover, an official pulled me very
hard by the cords which bound my hands, which
gave me excruciating pain, seeing how they had
already been treated by the police."

The next prisoner, Yi Mong-yong, a Presbyte-
rian money lender, also pointed out the proud
Tanaka. He had been describing how the police
kicked and struck him to make him say what they
wanted. " One of them is behind you now," said
he to the judges, pointing to Tanaka.

Some of the prisoners broke down while giving
their evidence, Unimas described how he had
been hung, beaten, stripped and tortured by the

230 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FREEDOM

police, and again tortured in the office of the Public
Procurator, " Having got so far/' the reports con-
tinue, " the prisoner began to weep and make a loud
outcry, saying that he had a mother who was eighty
years old at home. With this pitiful scene, the
hearing ended for the day."

Yi Tai-kyong was a teacher. The police re-
minded him that the murderer of Prince Ito was a
Christian ; he was a Christian, therefore

" They hung, beat and otherwise tormented me,
until I was compelled to acknowledge all the false
fabrication about the plot. The following day I
was again taken into Mr. Yamana's room and again
tortured with an iron rod from the stove and other
things, until I had acknowledged all the false state-
ments.

" When asked what was the party's signal, I re-
mained silent, as I knew nothing about it. But I
was tortured again, and said, ' the church bell/ that
being the only thing I could think of at the time."

" I confessed to the whole prosecution story, but
only as the result of torture, to which I was sub-
mitted nine times, fainting on two occasions, and
being tortured again on revival/' said Pak Chou-
hyong. "I made my false confession under a
threat that I and my whole family would be killed.
I reiterated it at the Public Procurator's Office,
where I was conducted by two policemen, one of
them a man with a gold tooth, who boxed my ears
so hard that I still feel the pain, and who told me
not to vary my story.

"Fearing that my whole family would be tor-

TORTTJEE A LA MODE 231

tured, I agreed. But when I arrived before the
Public Procurator, I forgot what I had been taught
to say, and wept, asking the officials to read what
I had to confess. This they did, and I said, * Yes,
yes/ "

Choi Che-kiu, a petty trader, repudiated his con-
fession of having gone with a party to Sun-chon.

" Had such a large party attempted to go to the
station," he said, " they must infallibly have been
arrested on the first day. Were I guilty I would
be ready to die at once. The whole story was in-
vented by officials, and I was obliged to acquiesce
in it by severe torture. One night I jwas taken to
Nanzan hill by two policemen, suspended from a
pine tree and a sharp sword put to my throat.
Thinking I was going to be killed, I consented to
say ' Yes ' to any question put to me."

" No force can make you tell such a story as this,
unless you consent voluntarily," interposed the
Court.

"You may well say that," replied the prisoner,
grimly. " But with the blade of a sword in my face
and a lighted cigarette pressed against my body, I
preferred acquiescence in a story, which they told
me that Kim Syong had already confessed, to
death."

The prisoner paused, and the Judge looked at
him with his head on one side. Suddenly the
prisoner burst into a passion of weeping, with loud,
incoherent cries.

In the previous trial one of the prisoners, Kim
Ik-kyo, was asked why he admitted all the facts at

232 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE PEEEDOM

his preliminary examination. " If the police were
to go down Chong-no (one of the busiest streets in
Seoul)," he replied, "and indiscriminately arrest a
number of passers-by, and then examine them by
putting them to torture, I am sure they would soon
confess to having taken part in a plot"

The same thing was put in another way by a
prisoner, Kim Eung-pong. He related a long story
of torture by binding, hanging, beating and burn-
ing, continued for fifteen days, during which he was
often threatened with death. Then he was taken
to the " supreme enquiry " office of the police head-
quarters, where he was stripped naked and beaten
with an iron bar from the stove. This office, he
understood, had control and power of life or death
over the whole peninsula, so he was compelled to
confess all that they wanted. " I even would have
said that I killed my father, if they put it to me,"
he added.

Hear the tale of An Sei-whan. As An was called
up in the Appeal Court, a wave of pity passed over
the white men there, for An was a miserable object,
pale and emaciated. He was a consumptive and
afflicted with other ills. He had been in the Chris-
tian Hospital at Pyeng-yang most of the winter,
and had nearly died there. He had been walking a
little for a few days, when he was arrested at the
hospital in April. He had been vomiting blood.

" In this condition I was taken to the police head-
quarters and tortured. My thumbs were hung to-
gether and I was hung up, with my toes barely
touching the ground, I was taken down nearly

TOBTUEE A LA MODE 233

dead, and made to stand for hours under a chest
nearly as high as my chest Next day, when I was
put under the shelf again my hair was fastened to
the board, and my left leg doubled at the knee and
tied. Blood came up from my lung, but fearful of
the police I swallowed it. Now, I think it would
have been better if I had vomited it. Then they
might have had pity on me ; but I did not think so
then.

"Again I was hung up by the thumbs, clear of
the floor this time. At the end of five minutes I
was nearly dead. I asked if it would do to assent
to their questions, and they took me down and
took me before some superiors. When I said any-
thing unsatisfactory I was beaten, and in this way
learned what was wanted. I had no wish to deny
or admit anything, only to escape further pain."

He asked that some of the missionaries who knew
him might be called, to show that he was too ill
to take part in any conspiracy.

One old man, Yi Chang-sik, a Presbyterian for
sixteen years, had refused even under the torture
to confess, and had tried to escape by suicide. " I
thought that I had better commit suicide than be
killed by their cruel tortures," he said. "They
asked me if I had joined the conspiracy at the sug-
gestion of Mr. McCune. I would not consent to
this, so they tortured me harder. I was nearly
naked, and so cold water was poured upon me. I
was also beaten. Sometimes I would be tortured
till the early hours of the morning.

" I longed for death to deliver me. Thanks to

234 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

heaven, I found a knife one night in my room. The
warder was not very careful with me. I took it
secretly, intending to cut my throat but my hand
had become too weak. So I stuck it erect in the
floor, and tried to cut my throat that way. Alas !
At this moment the warder surprised me. When
I had endured torture for over forty days, I asked
them to make me guilty or innocent as quickly as
possible. When I was taken to the Public Proc-
urator's, I had pains in my ears, body and limbs.
I could not stand the torture and wanted to die."

" Having got so far/' wrote a spectator, " the old
man broke down and began to weep, crying louder
and louder. He said something as he wept, but the
interpreter could not make out what it was. The
Court evidently pitied him and told him to stand
down. He withdrew, sobbing."

A Presbyterian student from Sun-chon, Cha
Heui-syon, was arrested and kept for four months
in the gendarmes office, becoming very weak.
Then he was taken to the police headquarters.

" First I was hung up by my thumbs, then my
hands and legs were tied, and I was made to crouch
under a shelf about as high as my chest, which was
intensely painful, as I could neither sit nor stand.
Something was put in my mouth. I vomited blood,
yet I was beaten. I was stood up on a bench and
tied up so that when it was removed, I was left
hanging. The interpreter who has often been in
this court (Watanabe) tortured me. My arms
stiffened so that I could not stretch them. As I
hung I was beaten with bamboos three or four feet

TORTURE A LA MODE 235

long and with an iron rod, which on one occasion
made the hand of the official who was wielding it
bleed."

At last he gave in. He was too weak to speak.
They took him down and massaged his arms, which
were useless. He could only nod now to the state-
ments that they put to him. Later on they took
him to the Public Procurator. Here he attempted
to deny his confession. " The Public Procurator
was very angry," he said. " He struck the table,
getting up and sitting down again. He jerked the
cord by which my hands were tied, hurting me very
severely."

The case of Baron Yun Chi-ho excited special
interest. The Baron being a noble of high family,
the police used more care in extracting his con-
fession. He was examined day after day for ten
days, the same questions being asked and denied
day after day. One day when his nerves were in
shreds, they tortured another prisoner in front of
his eyes, and the examiner told him that if he would
not confess, he was likely to share the same fate.
They told him that the others had confessed and
been punished; a hundred men had admitted the
facts. He did not know then that the charge
against him was conspiracy to murder. He de-
termined to make a false confession, to escape
torture. He was worn out with the ceaseless ques-
tioning, and he was afraid.

The rehearing in the Court of Appeal lasted
fifty-one days. In the last days many of the pris-
oners were allowed to speak for themselves. They

23G KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

made a very favourable impression. Judgment
was delivered on March 20th. The original judg-
ment was quashed in every case, and the cases re-
considered. Ninety-nine of the prisoners were
found not guilty. Baron Yun Chi-ho, Yang Ki-
tak and four others were convicted. Five of them
were sentenced to six years* penal servitude, and
one to five years. Two other appeals were made,
but the only result was to increase the sentence of
the sixth man to six years. Three of the men finally
convicted had been members of the stafiE of the Dai
Han Mai II Shinpo. The Japanese do not forget or
forgive readily. They had an old score to pay
against the staff of that paper.

I have never yet met a man, English, American
or Japanese, acquainted with the case, or who fol-
lowed the circumstances, who believed that there
had been any plot at all. The whole thing, from
first to last, was entirely a police-created charge.
The Japanese authorities showed later that they
themselves did not believe it. On the coronation
of the Japanese Emperor, in February, 1915, the
six prisoners were released as a sign of " Imperial
clemency. 5 ' Baron Yun Chi-ho was appointed
Secretary of the Y. M. C. A. at Seoul on his release,
and Count Terauchi (whom he was supposed to
have plotted to murder) thereupon gave a liberal
subscription to the Y. funds.

There was one sequel to the case. The Secre-
tary of the Korean Y. M. C. A., Mr. Gillett, having
satisfied himself of the innocence of Baron Yun and
his associates, while the trial was pending, sent a

TOETTTEE A LA MODE 237

letter to prominent people abroad, telling the facts.
The letter, by the indiscretion of one man who re-
ceived it, was published in newspapers. The Japa-
nese authorities, in consequence, succeeded in driv-
ing Mr. Gillett out of Korea. Before driving him
out, they tried to get him to come over on their
side. Mr. Komatsu, Director of the Bureau for
Foreign Affairs, asked him and Mr. Gerdine, the
President, to call on him. " The Government has
met the demands of the missionary body and re-
leased ninety-nine out of the hundred and five pris-
oners who stood trial at the Appeal Court," said
Mr. Komatsu. " It is to be expected that the mis-
sionary body will in return do something to put the
Government in a strong and favourable light before
the people of Japan." Mr. Komatsu added that
Judge Suzuki's action was in reality the action of
the Government-General, a quaint illustration of
the independence of the judiciary in Korea.

The Administration made a feeble attempt to
deny the tortures. Its argument was that since
torture was forbidden by law, it could not take
place. Let we quote the official statement:

"A word should be added in reference to the ab-
surd rumours spread abroad concerning it (the
conspiracy case) such as that the measures taken
by the authorities aimed at ' wiping out the Chris-
tian movement in Korea/ since the majority of the
accused were Christian converts, and that most of
the accused made * false confessions against their
will/ as they were subject to 'unendurable ill-
treatment or torture/ As if such imputations

238 KOKEA'S FIGHT FOB FBEBDOM

could be sustained for one minute, when the mod-
ern regime ruling Japan is considered! . . . As
to torture, several provisions of the Korean crim-
inal code indirectly recognized it, but the law was
revised and those provisions were rescinded when
the former Korean law courts were reformed, by
appointing to them Japanese judicial staffs, in
August, 1908. . . . According to the new crim-
inal law (judges, procurators or police) officials
are liable, if they treat accused prisoners with vio-
lence or torture, to penal servitude or to imprison-
ment for a period not exceeding three years. In
reply to the memorial presented to the Governor-
General by certain missionaries in Korea, in Jan-
uary, 1912, he said, *I assure you that the entire
examination of the suspected persons or witnesses
is being conducted in strict compliance with the
provisions of the law, and the slightest divergence
from the lawful process will under no circum-
stances be permitted/ How then could any one
imagine that it was possible for officials under him
to act under any other way than in accordance
with the provisions of the law."

Unfortunately for the noble indignation of the
writer, the torture left its marks, and many men
are living as I write still bearing them. Others
only escaped from the hell of the Japanese prison in
Seoul to die. They were so broken that they never
recovered.

XIV
THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT

THE people of Korea never assented to the
annexation of their country. The Japa-
nese control of means of communication
prevented their protests from being fully known by
the outside world.

It was explained that the movement against the
Japanese was due to the work of Koreans living
outside of the land and to foreign agitators. The
Japanese blamed the missionaries. They blamed
foreign publicists. I understand that I was and am
esteemed a special malignant. They never thought
to blame themselves. As a matter of fact, mis-
sionaries and the rest of us had nothing to do with
it. The real origin of the movement was among
the people themselves, and it was fostered, not by
outsiders, but by the iron and unjust rule of Japan.

At the same time, the Koreans living in freedom
were naturally concerned over conditions at home.
The large Korean communities in Manchuria and
Siberia, estimated to number in all two millions, the
flourishing colony in the United States and Hawaii,

239

240 KOREA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

the Koreans in Mexico and China heard with indig-
nation of what was happening. Young students
and political prisoners released after torture, who
escaped to America, fanned the flame to white heat
The Koreans living outside Korea formed a Na-
tional Association, with headquarters in San Fran-
cisco, under the Presidency of Dr. David Lee,
which in 1919 claimed a million and a half ad-
herents.

The steps taken by the Japanese to suppress and
prevent discontent often created and fostered it
This was specially illustrated in the schools. The
new educational system, with its constant inculca-
tion of loyalty to the Mikado, made even the little
girls violently Nationalist School children were
spied upon for incipient treason as though the lisp-
ing of childish lips might overthrow the throne.
The speeches of boys and girls in junior schools, at
their school exercises, were carefully noted, and the
child who said anything that might be construed by
the Censor as " dangerous thought " would be
arrested, examined and punished.

The effect of this was what might have been ex-
pected. " They compel us to learn Japanese/' said
one little miss, sagely. "That does not matter.
We are now able to understand what they say.
They cannot understand what we say. All the
better for us when the hour comes." On Inde-
pendence Day the children, particularly in the Gov-
ernment schools, were found to be banded together
and organized against Japan. They had no fear in

THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 241

expressing their views and sought martyrdom*
Some of them won it.

The Japanese hoped much from the Chon-do
Kyo, a powerful movement encouraged by the
authorities because they thought that it would be
a valuable counteractive to Christianity. Its leader
was Son Pyung-hi, an old Korean friend of Japan.
As far back as 1894, when the Japanese arranged
the Tong-hak Rebellion in Korea, to give them an
excuse for provoking war with China, Son was one
of their leading agents. He believed that Western
influence and in particular Western religion was
inimical to his country, and he hoped by the Tong-
haks to drive them out

As a result of his activities, he had to flee from
Korea, and he did not return until 1903. He be-
came leader of the Chon-do Kyo, the Heavenly
Way Society, a body that tried to include the best
of many religions and give the benefits of Christian
organization and fellowship without Christianity.
He had learned many things while in exile, and was
now keen on reform and education. Many of his
old Tong-hak friends rallied around him, and the
Chon-do Kyo soon numbered considerably over a
million members.

Son realized after a time that the Japanese were
not the friends but the enemies of his people. He
made no violent protestations. He still maintained
seemingly good relations with them. But his or-
ganization was put to work. His agents went over
the country. Each adherent was called on to give

242 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FKEEDOM

three spoonfuls of rice a day. Close on a million
dollars was accumulated. Most of this was after-
wards seized by the Japanese.

The Chon-do Kyo and the native Christian lead-
ers came together. The Christian pastors had up
to now kept their people in check. But the burden
was becoming intolerable. They gave the mis-
sionaries no inkling of what was brewing. They
did not wish to get them in trouble. Their real
grief was that their action would, they knew, make
it harder for the Churches.

Two remarkable characters took the lead among
the Christians, Pastor Kil and Yi Sang-jai. Pastor
Kil of Pyeng-yang was one of the oldest and most
famous Christians in Korea. He had become a
leader in the early days, facing death for his faith.
A man of powerful brain, of fine character and with
the qualities of real leadership, he was looked up to
by the people as British Nonconformists a genera-
tion ago regarded Charles Spurgeon. In recent
years Kil had become almost blind, but continued
his work.

I have already described in an earlier chapter
how Yi Sang-jai, once Secretary to the Legation
at Washington, became a Christian while thrown
into prison for his political views. He was now a
Y. M, C. A. leader, but he was held in universal
veneration by all men Christian and non-Chris-
tian alike as a saint, as a man who walked with
God and communed with Him.

When things seemed rapidly ripening, President

THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 243

Wilson made his famous declaration of the rights
of weaker nations. One sentence went round
among the Koreans, and its effect was electrical;

" What is the task that this League of Nations
is to do?

" IT is TO PROVIDE FOR THE FREEDOM OF SMALL NA-
TIONS, TO PREVENT THE DOMINATION OF SMALL NATIONS
BY BIG ONES."

Here was the clarion call to Korea. Here was
hope ! Here was the promise of freedom, given by
the head of the nation they had all learned to love.
If any outsider was responsible for the uprising of
the Korean people, that outsider was Woodrow
Wilson, President of the United States of America,

" Now is the time to act," said the people. For
a start, they resolved to send delegates to present
their case to the Paris Conference. Three leaders
in America were chosen but were refused passports.
Finally another young leader, Mr. Kiusic Kimm,
succeeded in landing in France. Perhaps it would
not be wise to say, at this time, how he managed to
get there. He soon found that his mission was in
vain. The Paris Conference would not receive
him. President Wilson's declaration was not to be
put into full effect.

The people resolved, by open and orderly demon-
stration, to support their delegate in France. There
were some who would have started a violent revo-
lution. The Christians would have none of it.
" Let us have no violence," said they. " Let us
appeal to the conscience of Japan and of the world."

244 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

There were no constitutional means for them to
employ to make their case heard. But if ever there
was an effort at peaceful constitutional change, this
was it. Instructions were sent out, surely the most
extraordinary instructions ever issued under simi-
lar circumstances :

" Whatever you do

Do NOT INSULT THE JAPANESE

Do NOT THROW STONES

Do NOT HIT WITH YOUR FISTS.

For these are the acts of barbarians."

It was unnecessary to tell the people not to shoot,
for the Japanese had long since taken all their
weapons away, even their ancient sporting blunder-
busses.

A favourable moment was approaching. The
old Korean Emperor lay dead. One rumour was
that he had committed suicide to avoid signing a
document drawn up by the Japanese for presenta-
tion to the Peace Conference, saying that he was
well satisfied with the present Government of his
country. Another report, still more generally be-
lieved, was that he had committed suicide to pre-
vent the marriage of his son, Prince Kon, to the
Japanese Princess Nashinoto. The engagement of
this young Prince to a Korean girl had been broken
off when the Japanese acquired control of the Im-
perial House. Royal romances always appeal to
the crowd. The heart of the people turned to the

THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 245

old Emperor again. Men, women and children put
on straw shoes, signs of national mourning, and a
hundred thousand people flocked to Seoul to wit-
ness the funeral ceremonies.

The funeral was to take place on March 4th, By
now the Japanese suspected something to be afoot.
The astonishing thing is that the Koreans had been
able to keep it from them so long, A network of
organizations had been created all over the coun-
try. The Japanese hurried their preparations to
prevent popular demonstrations on the day of the
funeral. The leaders learned of this, and outwitted
the police by a simple device. They resolved to
make their demonstration not on Tuesday, March
4th, but on the previous Saturday.

Gatherings were arranged for all over the coun-
try. A Declaration of Independence was drawn up
in advance and delivered to the different centres,,
Here it was mimeographed, and girls and boys
organized themselves to ensure its distribution.
Meetings, processions and demonstrations in all the
big cities were planned.

Thirty-three men chose martyrdom. They were
to be the original signers of the Declaration of In-
dependence. They knew that at the best this must
mean heavy punishment for them, and at the worst
might well mean death. They had no delusions.
Pastor KiPs son had died from the effects of Japa-
nese torture. Yang Chun-paik and Yi Seung-hun,
two of the signers, had been victims in the Con-
spiracy case. The first two names on the list of

246 KOREA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM

signers were Son Pyung-hi, leader of the Chon-do
Kyo, and Pastor Kil.

On the morning of March 1st the group of thirty-
two met at the Pagoda Restaurant at Seoul. Pas-
tor Kil was the only absentee ; he had been tempo-
rarily delayed on his journey from Pyeng-yang.

Some prominent Japanese had been invited to
eat with the Koreans. After the meal, the Declara-
tion was produced before their guests and read.
It was despatched to the Governor-General. Then
the signers rang up the Central Police Station, in-
formed the shocked officials of what they had done,
and added that they would wait in the restaurant
until the police van came to arrest them.

The automobile prison van, with them inside,
had to make its way to the police station through
dense crowds, cheering and shouting', "Mansei!
Mansei ! Mansei ! " It was the old national battle
cry, " May Korea live ten thousand years." Old
flags had been brought out, old Korean flags, with
the red and blue germ on the white ground, and
were being widely waved. " Mansei I " Not only
Seoul but the whole country had in a few minutes
broken out in open demonstration. A new kind of
revolt had begun.

Pastor Kil, arriving late, hurried to the police
station to take his place with his comrades.

The Declaration of Independence is a document
impossible to summarize, if one is to do full justice
to it It is written in the lofty tone of the ancient
prophets. It was something more than the aspira-

THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 247

tion of the Korean people. It was the cry of the
New Asia, struggling to find its way out of oppres-
sion and mediaeval militarism into the promised
land of liberty and peace.

THE PROCLAMATION OF KOREAN-
INDEPENDENCE

" We herewith proclaim the independence of Korea and
the liberty of the Korean people. We tell it to the world
in witness of the equality of all nations and we pass it on
to our posterity as their inherent right

" We make this proclamation, having back of us 5>
years of history, and 20,000,000 of a united loyal people.
We take this step to insure to our children for all time
to come, personal liberty in accord with the awakening
consciousness of this new era. This is the clear leading
of God, the moving principle of the present age, the whole
human race's just claim. It is something that cannot be
stamped out, or stifled, or gagged, or suppressed by any
means.

" Victims of an older age, when brute force and the
spirit of plunder ruled, we have come after these long
thousands of years to experience the agony of ten years
of foreign oppression, with every loss to the right to live,
every restriction of the freedom of thought, every dam-
age done to the dignity of life, every opportunity lost for
a share in the intelligent advance of the age in which'
we live.

" Assuredly, if the defects of the past are to be recti-
fied, if the agony of the present is to be unloosed, if the
future oppression is to be avoided, if thought is to be set
free, if right of action is to be given a place, if we are to
attain to any way of progress, if we are to deliver our
children from the painful, shameful heritage, if we are
to leave blessing and happiness intact for those who
succeed us, the first of all necessary things is the clear-
cut independence of our people. What cannot our twenty
millions do, every man with sword in heart, in this day;

248 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

when hitman nature and conscience are making a stan3
for truth and right? What barrier can we not break,
what purpose can we not accomplish ?

" We have no desire to accuse Japan of breaking many
solemn treaties since 1636, nor to single out specially the
teachers in the schools or government officials who treat
the heritage of our ancestors as a colony of their own,
and our people and their civilization as a nation of sav-
ages, finding delight only in beating us down and bring-
ing us under their heel.

" We have no wish to find special fault with Japan's
lack of fairness or her contempt of our civilization and
the principles on which her state rests; we, who have
greater cause to reprimand ourselves, need not spend
precious time in finding fault with others; neither need
we, who require so urgently to build for the future,
spend useless hours over what is past and gone. Our
urgent need to-day is the setting up of this house of ours
and not a discussion of who has broken it down, or what
has caused its ruin. Our work is to clear the future of
defects in accord with the earnest dictates of conscience.
Let us not be filled with bitterness or resentment over
past agonies or past occasions for anger.

" Our part is to influence the Japanese government,
dominated as it is by tfie old idea of brute force which
thinks to run counter to reason and universal law, so
that it will change, act honestly and in accord with the
principles of right and truth.

" The result of annexation, brought about without any
conference with the Korean people, is that the Japanese,
indifferent to us, use every kind of partiality for their
own, and by a false set of figures show a profit and loss
account between us two peoples most untrue, digging a
trench of everlasting resentment deeper and deeper the
farther they go.

" Ought not the way of enlightened courage to be to
correct the evils of the past by ways that are sincere,
and by true sympathy and friendly feeling make a new
world in which the two peoples will be equally blessed?

" To bind by force twenty millions of resentful Ko-

THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 249

reans will mean not only loss of peace forever for this
part of the Far East, but also will increase the ever-
growing suspicion of four hundred millions of Chinese
upon whom depends the danger or safety of the Far East
besides strengthening the hatred of Japan. From this
all the rest of the East will suffer. To-day Korean in-
dependence will mean not only daily life and happiness
for us, but also it would mean Japan's departure from
an evil way and exaltation to the place of true protector
of the East, so that China, too, even in her dreams,
would put all fear of Japan aside. This thought comes
from no minor resentment, but from a large hope for
the future welfare and blessing of mankind

" A new era wakes before our eyes, the old world of
force is gone, and the new world of righteousness and
truth is here. Out of the experience and travail of the
old world arises this light on life's affairs. The insects
stifled by the foe and snow of winter awake at this same
time with the breezes of spring and the soft light of
the sun upon them.

" It is the day oi the restoration of all things on the
full tide of which we set forth, without delay or fear.
We desire a full measure of satisfaction in the way of
liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and an opportunity
to develop what is in us for the glory of our people.

" We awake now from the old world with its darkened
conditions in full determination and one heart and one
mind, with right on our side, along with the forces of
nature, to a new life. May all the ancestors to the
thousands and ten thousand generations aid us from
within and all the force of the world aid us from without,
and let the day we take hold be the day of our attain-
ment. In this hope we go forward.

THREE ITEMS OF AGREEMENT

" i.^ This work of ours is in behalf of trutH, religion
and life, undertaken at the request of our people, in
order to make known their desire for liberty. Let no
violence be done to any one.

XV

THE PEOPLE SPEAK THE TYRANTS
ANSWER

ON Saturday, March 1st, at two in the after-
noon, in a large number of centres of
population throughout the country, the
Declaration of Korean Independence was solemnly
read, usually to large assemblies, by representative
citizens. In some places, the leaders of ''the Chris-
tians and the leaders of the non-Christian bodies
acted in common. In other places, by mutual
agreement, two gatherings were held at the same
time, the one for Christians and the other for non-
Christians. Then the two met in the streets, and
sometimes headed by a band they marched down
the street shouting " Mansei " until they were dis-
persed. Every detail had been thought out. Large
numbers of copies of declarations of independence
were ready. These were circulated, usually by
boys and schoolgirls, sometimes by women, each
city being mapped out in districts.

It was soon seen that every class of the com-
munity was united. Men who had been ennobled
by the Japanese stood with the coolies; shop-
keepers closed their stores, policemen who had
worked under the Japanese took off their uniforms

252 KOBE^'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

and joined the crowds, porters and labourers,
scholars and preachers, men and women all came
together.

In every other Korean demonstration, for untold
centuries, only part of the nation had been included.
When the yang-bans started a political revolt, in the
old days, they did not recognize that such a thing
as popular opinion existed and did not trouble to
consult it. Korea had long known demonstrations
of great family against great family, of Yis against
Mins; of section against section, as when the Con-
servatives fought the Progressives; and of Inde-
pendents against the old Court Gang. But now all
were one. And with the men were the women,
and even the children. Boys of six told their fathers
to be firm and never to yield, as they were carried
off to prison; girls of ten and twelve prepared them-
selves to go to jail.

The movement was a demonstration, not a riot.
On the opening day and afterwards until the
Japanese drove some of the people to fury there
was no violence. The Japanese, scattered all over
the country, were uninjured; the Japanese shops
were left alone; when the police attacked, elders
ordered the people to submit and to offer no re-
sistance. The weak things had set themselves up
to confound the strong.

At first, the Japanese authorities were so com-
pletely taken by surprise that they did not know
what to do. Then the word was passed round that
the movement was to be suppressed by relentless

PEOPLE SPEAK TYRANTS ANSWER 253

severity. And so Japan lost her l^st chance of
winning the people of Korea and of wiping out the
accentuated ill-will of centuries.

The first plan of the Japanese was to attack every
gathering of people and disperse it, and to arrest
every person who took part in the demonstrations
or was supposed to have a hand in them. Japanese
civilians were armed with clubs and swords and
given carte blanche to attack any Korean they sus-
pected of being a demonstrator. They interpreted
these instructions freely. Firemen were sent out
with poles with the big firemen's hooks at the end.
A single pull with one of these hooks meant death
or horrible mutilation for any person they struck.

The police used their swords freely. What I
mean by " freely " can best be shown by one inci-
dent. A little gathering of men started shouting
" Mansei " in a street in Seoul. The police came
after them, and they vanished. One man it is not
clear whether he called " Mansei " or was an acci-
dental spectator was pushed in the deep gutter by
the roadside as the demonstrators rushed away.
As he struggled out the police came up. There
was no question of the man resisting or not resist-
ing. He was unarmed and alone. They cut off
his ears, cut them off level with his cheek, they slit
up his fingers, they hacked his body, and then they
left him for dead. He was carried off by some
horrified spectators, and died a few hours later. A
photograph of his body lies before ml as I write.
I showed the photograph one evening to two or

254 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

three men in New York City. Next day I met the
men again. "We had nightmare all night long,
because of that picture," they told me.

In Seoul, when the thirty-three leaders were ar-
rested, a demonstration was held in the Park and
the Declaration read there. Then the crowd made
an orderly demonstration in the streets, waving
flags and hats, shouting " Mansei," parading in
front of the Consulates and public buildings, and
sending letters to the Consuls informing them of
what they had done. There was no violence. The
police, mounted and foot, tried to disperse the
crowds and made numerous arrests, but the throngs
were so dense that they could not scatter them.

Next day was Sunday. Here the strong Chris-
tian influences stopped demonstrations, for the
Korean Christians observe the Sunday strictly.
This gave the Japanese authorities time to gather
their forces. Numerous arrests were made that
day, not only in Seoul but all over the country. On
Monday there was the funeral of the ex-Emperor.
The people were quiet then. It was noticed that
the school children were entirely absent from their
places along the line of march. They had struck.

On Wednesday life was supposed to resume its
normal aspects again. The schools reopened, but
there were no pupils. The shops remained closed.
The coolies in official employ did not come to work.
The authorities sent police to order the shop-
keepers to open. They opened while the police
were by, and closed immediately they were out of

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBANTS ANSWER 255

sight. Finally troops were placed outside the shops
to see that they remained open. The shopkeepers
sat passive, and informed any chance enquirer that
they did not have what he wanted. This continued
for some weeks.

The authorities were specially disturbed by the
refusal of the children to come to school. In one
large junior school, the boys were implored to come
for their Commencement exercises, and to receive
their certificates. Let me tell the scene that fol-
lowed, as described to me by people in the city.
The boys apparently yielded, and the Commence-
ment ceremonies were begun, in the presence of a
number of official and other distinguished Japanese
guests. The precious certificates were handed out
to each lad. Then the head boy, a little fellow of
about twelve or thirteen, came to the front to make
the school speech of thanks to his teachers and to
the authorities. He was the impersonation of
courtesy. Every bow was given to the full; he
lingered over the honorifics, as though he loved the
sound of them. The distinguished guests were de-
lighted. Then came the end. "I have only this
now to say," the lad concluded. A change came
over his voice. He straightened himself up, and
there was a look of resolution in his eyes. He
knew that the cry he was about to utter had
brought death to many during the past few days.
"We beg one thing more of you." He plunged
one hand in his garment, pulled out the Korean
,flag, the possession of which is a crime. Waving

256 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

the flag, he cried out, " Give us back our country.
May Korea live forever. Mansei!"

All the boys jumped up from their seats,
each one pulling out a flag from under his coat and
waved it, calling, "Mansei! Mansei! Mansei!"
They tore up their precious certificates, in front of
the now horrified guests, threw them on the
ground, and trooped out

At nine o'clock that Wednesday morning there
was a great demonstration of students and high
school girls around the palace. The girls had
planned out their part ahead. A big crowd gath-
ered around. Then a large force of police rushed
on them, with drawn swords, knocking down, beat-
ing and arresting, lads and girls alike. The girls
were treated as roughly as the men. Over 'four
hundred, including one hundred girl students, were
taken to the police station that morning. What
happened to the girls there, I tell in a later chapter.
Fifteen nurse-probationers of the Severance Hos-
pital, one of the most famous missionary hospitals
in the Far East, hurried out with bandages to bind
up the wounded. The police took them in custody
also. They were severely examined, to find if the
foreigners had instigated them to take part in the
demonstrations, but were released the same after-
noon.

As Prince Yi was returning from the ex-Em-
peror's funeral that afternoon, a group of twenty
literati approached his carriage and attempted to
present a petition. They were stopped by the

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBAETTS ANSWER 257

police. A petition was sent by the literati to the
Governor-General ; the delegates were told to take
it to the police office. Here they were arrested.

Two of the most famous nobles in the land, Vis-
count Kim and Viscount Li, sent a dignified peti-
tion to the Governor-General, begging him to listen
to the people, and deploring the severe measures
taken to suppress the demonstrations. Viscount
Kim was senior peer, head of the Confucian Col-
lege, and had ever been a friend of Japan, As far
back as 1866, he had run the risk of death by urging
the Kjng to open the country to outside nations and
to conclude a treaty with Japan, The Japanese had
made him one of their new Korean peerage. He
was now eighty-five, feeble and bedridden. The
protest of himself and his fellow senior -was meas-
ured, polished, moved with a deep sympathy for
the people, but with nothing in it to which the Gov-
ernor-General should have taken offence.

The Japanese treatment of these two nobles was
crowning proof of their incapacity to rule another
people. The two were at once arrested, and with
them various male members of their families.
Kim was so ill that he could not be immediately
moved, so a guard was placed over his house. All
were brought to trial at Seoul in July. With Vis-
count Kim were Kim Ki-ju, his grandson, and Kim
Yu-mon. With Viscount Li was his relative Li
Ken-tai. The charge against them was of violat-
ing the Peace Preservation Act. Ki-ju aggravated
his position by trying to defend himself. The Japa-

258 KOKHjA'ti Jb'lliJtlT J^Ult X OX.djJ3j.UUM

nese press reported that he was reported to " have
assumed a very hostile attitude to the bench
enunciating this theory and that in defence of his
cause." This statement is the best condemnation
of the trial. Where a prisoner is deemed to add to
his guilt by attempting to defend himself, justice
has disappeared.

Viscount Kim was sentenced to two years' penal
servitude, and Viscount Li to eighteen months,
both sentences being stayed for three years. Kim
Ki-ju, Kim Yu-mon and Li Ken-tai were sentenced
to hard labour for eighteen months, twelve months
and six months respectively. The sentence re-
flected disgrace on the Government that instituted
the prosecution and decreed the punishment

The white people of Seoul were horrified by the
Japanese treatment of badly wounded men who
flocked to the Severance Hospital for aid. Some of
these, almost fatally wounded, were put to bed.
The Japanese police came and demanded that they
should be delivered up to them. The doctors
pointed out that it probably would be fatal to move
them. The police persisted, and finally carried off
three men. It was reported that one man they
took off in this fashion was flogged to death.

Reports were beginning to come in from other
parts. There had been demonstrations through-
out the north, right up to Wiju, on the Manchurian
border. At Song-chon, it was reported, thirty had
been killed, a number wounded, and three hundred
arrested. Pyeng-yang had been the centre of a

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBANTS ANSWER 269

particularly impressive movement, which had been
sternly repressed. From the east coast, away at
Hameung, there came similar tidings. The Japa-
nese stated that things were quiet in the south until
Wednesday, when there was an outbreak at Kun-
san, led by the pupils of a Christian school. The
Japanese at once seized on the participation of the
Christians, the press declaring that the American
missionaries were at the bottom of it. A deliberate
attempt was made to stir up the Japanese popula-
tion against the Americans. Numbers of houses of
American missionaries and leaders of philanthropic
work were searched. Several of them were called
to the police offices and examined; some were
stopped in the streets and searched. Unable to
find any evidence against the missionaries, the
Japanese turned on the Korean Christians. Soon
nearly every Korean Christian pastor in Seoul was
in jail; and news came from many parts of the
burning of churches, the arrest of leading Chris-
tians, and the flogging of their congregations. The
Japanese authorities, on pressure from the Amer-
ican consular officials, issued statements that the
missionaries had nothing to do with the uprising,
but in practice they acted as though the rising were
essentially a Christian movement.

In the country people were stopped by soldiers
when walking along the roads, and asked, "Are you
Christians? " -If they answered, " Yes," they were
beaten; if "No/ 5 they were allowed to go. The
local gendarmes told the people in many villages

260 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

that Christianity was to be wiped out and all Chris-
tians shot. " Christians are being arrested whole-
sale and beaten simply because they are Christians,"
came the reports from many parts.

Soon dreadful stories came from the prisons, not
only in Seoul, but in many other parts. Men who
had been released after investigation, as innocent,
told of the tortures inflicted on them in the police
offices, and showed their jellied and blackened flesh
in proof. Some were even inconsiderate enough to
die a few days after release, and on examination
their bodies and heads were found horribly dam-
aged. The treatment may be summed up in a
paragraph from a statement by the Rev. A. E.
Armstrong, of the Board of Foreign Missions of
the Presbyterian Church of Canada, who was on a
visit to Korea at the time:

" The tortures which the Koreans suffer at the hands
of the police and gendarmes are identical with those
employed in the famous conspiracy trials. I read affi-
davits, now on their way to the United States and British
Governments, which made one's blood boil, so frightful
were the means used in trying to extort confessions from
prisoners. And many of these had no part in the demon-
strations, but were simply onlookers."

Within a fortnight, the arrests numbered thou-
sands in Seoul alone. Every man, particularly
every student, suspected of participation was
jailed. But it was evident that the authorities had
not secured the leaders, or else that the leaders had
arranged a system by which there were men always
ready to step into the place of those who were
taken. The official organ, the Seoul Press, would

PEOPLE SPEAK TYKANT8 ANSWEB 261

come out with an announcement that the agitation
had now died down; two or three days later there
would be another great demonstration in the
streets. The hundred thousand visitors who had
come to Seoul for the funeral returned home to
start agitations in their own districts. The au-
thorities were particularly annoyed at their inability
to discover the editors and publishers of the secret
paper of the protest, the Independence News, which
appeared in mimeographed form. To prevent its
publication the authorities took control of mimeo-
graph paper, and seized every mimeograph ma-
chine they could find. Time after time it was
stated that the editors of the paper had been
secured; the announcement was barely published
before fresh editions would mysteriously appear in
Seoul and in the provinces.

Despite every effort to minimize it, news of the
happenings gradually crept out and were published
abroad. Mr. I, Yamagata, the Director-General of
Administration, was called to Tokyo for a confer-
ence with the Government Much was hoped by
many friends of Japan in America from this. It
was believed that the Liberal Premier of Japan, the
Hon. T. Hara, would promptly declare himself
against the cruelties that had been employed. Un-
fortunately these hopes were disappointed. While
speaking reassuringly to foreign enquirers, Mr.
Hara and his Government officially determined on
still harsher measures.

Mr. Yamagata's own statement, issued on his
return, announced that after conference with the

262 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

Premier, an audience with the Emperor and con-
ferences with the Cabinet " decision was reached
in favour of taking drastic measures by despatching
more troops to the peninsula."

"In the first stage of the trouble, the Government-
General was in favour of mild measures ( !), and it was
hoped to quell the agitation by peaceful methods/' Mr.
Yamagata continued. " It is to be regretted, however,
that the agitation has gradually spread to all parts of the
peninsula, while the nature of the disturbance has become
malignant, and it was to cope with this situation that the
Government was obliged to resort to force. In spite of
this, the trouble has not only continued, but has become
so uncontrollable and wide-spread that the police and
military force hitherto in use has been found insufficient,
necessitating the despatch of more troops and gendarmes
from the mother country. . . . Should they (the
agitators) continue the present trouble, it would be neces-
sary to show them the full power of the military force.
It is earnestly to be hoped that the trouble will be settled
peacefully, before the troops are obliged to use their
bayonets,"

Count Hasegawa, the Governor-General, had al-
ready issued various proclamations, telling the
people of the Imperial benevolence of Japan, warn-
ing them that the watchword " self-determination
of races" was utterly irrevelant to Japan, and
warning them of the relentless punishment that
would fall on those who committed offences against
the peace. Here is one of the proclamations. It
may be taken as typical of all :

" When the State funeral of the late Prince Yi was on
the point of being held, I issued an instruction that the
people should help one another to mourn his loss in a

PEOPLE SPEAK TYKANTS ANSWER 263

quiet and respectful manner and avoid any rash act or
disorder. Alas! I was deeply chagrined to see that,
instigated by certain refractory men, people started a riot
in Seoul and other places. Rumour was recently cir-
culated that at the recent Peace Conference in Paris and
other places, the independence of Chosen was recognized
by foreign Powers, but the rumour is absolutely ground-
less. It need hardly be stated that the sovereignty of the
Japanese Empire is irrevocably established in the past,
and will never be broken in the future. During the ten
years since annexation, the Imperial benevolence has
gradually reached all parts of the country, and it is now
recognized throughout the world that the country has
made a marked advancement in the securing of safety to
life, and property, and the development of education and
industry. Those who are trying to mislead the people
by disseminating such a rumour as cited know their own
purpose, but it is certain that the day of repentance will
come to all who, discarding their studies or vocations,
take part in the mad movement. Immediate awakening
is urgently required.

" The mother country and Chosen, now merging in one
body, makes a State. Its population and strength were
found adequate enough to enter upon a League with the
Powers and conduct to the promotion of world peace and
enlightenment, while at the same time the Empire is going
faithfully to discharge its duty as an Ally by saving its
neighbour from difficulty. This is the moment of time
when the bonds of unity between the Japanese and
Koreans are to be more firmly tightened and nothing will
be left undone to fulfill the mission of the Empire and to
establish its prestige on the globe. It is evident that the
two peoples, which have ever been in inseparably close
relations from of old, have lately been even more closely
connected. The recent episodes are by no means due to
any antipathy between the two peoples. It will be most
unwise credulously to swallow the utterances of those
refractory people who, resident always abroad, are not
well informed upon the real conditions in the peninsula,
but, nevertheless, are attempting to mislead their brethren

264 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

by spreading wild fictions and thus disturbing the peace of
the Empire, only to bring on themselves the derision of
the Powers for their indulgence in unbridled imagination
in seizing upon the watchword ' self-determination of
races ' which is utterly irrelevant to Chosen, and in com-
mitting themselves to thoughtless act and language. The
Government are now doing their utmost to put an end to
such unruly behaviour and will relentlessly punish any-
body daring to commit offences against the peace. The
present excitement will soon cease to exist, but it is to be
hoped that the people on their part will do their share in
restoring quiet by rightly guarding their wards and neigh-
bours so as to save them from any offence committing a
severe penalty." a

The new era of relentless severity began by the
enactment of various fresh laws. The regulations
for Koreans going from or coming into their coun-
try were made more rigid. The Regulations Con-
cerning Visitors and Residents had already been
revised in mid-March. Under these, any person
who, even as a non-commercial act, allowed a for-
eigner to stay in his or her house for a night or
more must hereafter at once report the fact to the
police or gendarmes. A fresh ordinance against
agitators was published in the Official Gazette. It
provided that anybody interfering or attempting
to interfere in the preservation of peace and order
with a view to bringing about political change
would be punished by penal servitude or imprison-
ment for a period not exceeding ten years. The
ordinance would apply to offences committed by
subjects of the Empire committed outside its do-
mains, and it was specially emphasized in the ex-
* Quoted from the Seoul Press.

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBANTS ANSWEK 265

planations of the new law given out that it would
apply to foreigners as well as Japanese or Koreans.

The Government-General introduced a new prin-
ciple, generally regarded by jurists of all lands as
unjust and indefensible. They made the law retro-
active. People who were found guilty of this of-
fence, their acts being committed before the new
law came into force, were to be sentenced under it,
and not under the much milder old law. This was
done.

The Koreans were quickly to learn what the new
military regime meant. One of the first examples
was at Cheamni, a village some miles from Suigen,
on the Seoul-Fusan Railway. Various rumours
reached Seoul that this place ha$ been destroyed,
and a party of Americans, including Mr, Curtice of
the Consulate, Mr. Underwood, son of the famous
missionary pioneer, and himself a missionary and a
correspondent of the Japan Advertiser, went to
investigate. After considerable enquiry they
reached a place which had been a village of forty
houses. They found only four or five standing.
All the rest were smoking ruins.

" We passed along the path," wrote the corre-
spondent of the Japan Advertiser, " which ran along
the front of the village lengthwise, and in about the
middle we came on a compound surrounded by
burnt poplars, which was filled with glowing ashes.
It was here that we found a body frightfully burned
and twisted, either of a young man or a woman.
This place we found later was the Christian church,
and on coming down from another direction on our

266 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

return I found a second body, evidently that of a
man, also badly burned, lying just outside the
church compound. The odour of burned flesh in
the vicinity of the church was sickening.

"We proceeded to the end of the village and
climbed the hill, where we found several groups of
people huddled under little straw shelters, with a
few of their pitiful belongings about them. They
were mostly women, some old, others young
mothers with babes at breast, but all sunk in the
dull apathy of abject misery and despair.

" Talking to them in their own language and
with sympathy, Mr. Underwood soon won the con-
fidence of several and got the story of what hap-
pened from different groups, and in every case
these stories tallied in the essential facts. The day
before we arrived, soldiers came to the village,
some time in the early afternoon, and ordered all
the male Christians to gather in the church. When
they had so gathered, to a number estimated to be
thirty by our informers, the soldiers opened fire on
them with rifles and then proceeded into the church
and finished them off with sword and bayonets.
After this they set fire to the church, but as the
direction of the wind and the central position of the
church prevented the upper houses catching, sol-
diers fired these houses individually, and after a
time left.

" As we passed down the ruined village, return-
ing to our rikishas, we came on the last house of the
village, which was standing intact, and entered in
conversation with the owner, a very old man. He

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBAUTS ANSWER 267

attributed the safety of his house to its being
slightly removed, and to a vagary of the wind. He
was alive because he was not a Christian and had
not been called into the church. The details of his
story of the occurrence tallied exactly with the
others, as to what had happened."

One example will serve to show what was going
on now all over the country. The following letter
was written by a cultured American holding a re-
sponsible position in Korea :

" Had the authorities handled this matter in a different
way, this letter would never have been written. We are
not out here to mix in politics, and so long as it remained
a purely political problem, we had no desire to say any-
thing on one side or the other. But the appeal of the
Koreans has been met in such a way that it has been
taken out of the realm of mere politics and has become a
question of humanity. When it comes to weakness and
helplessness being pitted against inhumanity, there can be
no such thing as neutrality.

"I have seen personal friends of mine among the
Koreans, educated men, middle-aged men, who up to that
time had no part in the demonstrations, parts of whose
bodies had been beaten to a pulp under police orders.

" A few hundred yards from where I am writing, the
beating goes on, day after day. The victims are tied
down on a frame and beaten on the naked body with rods
till they become unconscious. Then cold water is poured
on them until they revive, when the process is repeated.
It is sometimes repeated many times. Reliable informa-
tion comes to me that in some cases arms and legs have
been broken.

"Men, women and children are shot down or bayo-
netted. The Christian church is specially chosen as an
object of fury, and to the Christians is meted out special
severity. . * .

268 KOBE A' S FIGHT FOE FBEEDOM

" A few miles from here, a band of soldiers entered a
village and ordered the men to leave, the women to
remain behind. But the men were afraid to leave their
women, and. sent the women away first. For this the men
were beaten.

" A short distance from this village, this band is re-
ported to have met a Korean woman riding in a rickshaw.
She was violated by four of the soldiers and left uncon-
scious. A Korean reported the doings of this band of
soldiers to the military commander of the district in
which it occurred and the commander ordered him to be
beaten for reporting it.

" Word comes to me to-day from another province of
a woman who was stripped and strung up by the thumbs
for six hours in an effort to get her to tell the where-
abouts of her husband. She probably did not know.

" The woes of Belgium under German domination have
filled our ears for the past four years, and rightly so.
The Belgian Government has recently announced that
during the more than four years that the Germans held
the country, six thousand civilians were put to death by
the Germans. Here in this land it is probably safe to
say that two thousand men, women and children, empty
handed and helpless, have been put to death in seven
weeks. You may draw your own conclusions !

"As for the Koreans, they are a marvel to us all.
Even those of us who have known them for many years,
and have believed them to be capable of great things,
were surprised. Their self-restraint, their fortitude, their
endurance and their heroism have seldom been surpassed.
As an American I have been accustomed to hear, as a boy,
of the ' spirit of 76,' but I have seen it out here, and "it
was under a yellow skin. More than one foreigner is
saying, these days, ' I am proud of the Koreans.* "

There were exciting scenes in Sun-chon. This
city is one of the great centres of Christianity in
Korea, and its people, hardy and independent
northerners, have for long been suspected by the

PEOPLE SPEAK TTEAHTS ANSWER 269

Japanese. Large numbers of leaders of the church
and students at the missionary academy had been
arrested, confined for a very long period and ill-
treated at the time of the Conspiracy trial. They
were all found to be innocent later, on the retrial
at the Appeal Court. This had not tended to pro-
mote harmonious relations between the two
peoples.

Various notices and appeals were circulated
among the people. Many of them, issued by the
leaders, strongly urged the people to avoid insult-
ing behaviour, insulting language or violence to-
wards the Japanese.

" Pray morning, noon and night, and fast on
Sundays " was the notice to the Christians. Other
appeals ran :

" Think, dear Korean brothers !

" What place have we or our children ? Where can we
speak ? What has become of our land ?

" Fellow countrymen, we are of one blood. Can we be
indifferent? At this time, how can you Japanese show
such ill feeling and such treachery? How can you injure
us with guns and swords ? How can your violence be so
deep?

" Koreans, if in the past for small things we have suf-
fered injuries, how much more shall we suffer to-day?
Even though your flesh be torn from you, little by little,
you can stand it! Think of the past. Think of the
future ! We stand together for those who are dying for
Korea.

" We have been held in bondage. If we do not become
free at this time, we shall never be able to gain freedom.
Brethren, it can be done! It is possible! Do not be
discouraged! Give up your business for the moment and

270 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

shout for Korea. Injury to life and property are of con-
sequence, but right and liberty are far more important.
Until the news of the Peace Conference is received, do
not cease. We are not wood and stones, but flesh and
blood. Can we not speak out ? Why go back and become
discouraged? Do not fear death! Even though I die,
my children and grandchildren shall enjoy the blessings
of liberty. Mansei ! Mansei ! Mansei ! "

Mr. D. V. Hudson, of the Southern Presbyterian
University at Shanghai, brought the records of
many outrages back with him on his return to
America. From them I take the following:

" At Maingsang, South Pyeng-yang Province, the fol-
lowing incident took place on March 3rd. When the
uprising first broke out there were no Japanese gendarmes
in the village, but Koreans only. The people there were
mostly Chun-do Kyo followers, so no Christians were
involved in the trouble. These Chun-do Kyo people
gathered on the appointed day for the Korean Independ-
ence celebration, and held the usual speeches and shout-
ing of * Mansei/ The Korean gendarmes did not want to
or dared not interfere, so that day was spent by the people
as they pleased.

" A few days later Japanese soldiers arrived to investi-
gate and to put down the uprising. They found the peo-
ple meeting again, ostensibly to honour one of their
teachers. The soldiers immediately interfered, seized the
leader of the meeting and led him away to the gendarme
station. He was badly treated in the affray and the
people were badly incensed. So they followed the sol-
diers to the station, hoping to effect the release of their
leader. The soldiers tried to drive them away. Some
left but others remained.

" The police station was surrounded by a stone wall,
with but one gate to the enclosure. The soldiers per-
mitted those who insisted on following to enter, and, when
they ha<} entered, closed the dopr; then the soldiers

PEOPLE SPEAKTYRANTS ANSWER 271

deliberately set to work, shooting them down in cold
blood. Only three of the fifty-six escaped death/ '

Let me give one other statement by a newspaper
man. I might go on with tale after tale of bru-
tality and fill another volume. Mr. William R.
Giles is a Far Eastern correspondent well known
for the sanity of his views and his careful state-
ments of facts. He represents the Chicago Daily
News at Peking. He visited Korea shortly after
the uprising, specially to learn the truth. He re-
mained there many weeks. Here is his deliberate
verdict:

" Pekin, June I4th. After nearly three months of
travelling in Korea, in which time I journeyed from the
north to the extreme south, I find that the charges of
misgovernment, torture and useless slaughter by the Jap-
anese to be substantially correct.

" In the country districts I heard stories of useless
murder and crimes against women. A number of the
latter cases were brought to my notice. One of the
victims was a patient in a missionary hospital.

" In a valley about fifty miles from Fusan, the Jap-
anese soldiery closed up a horseshoe-shaped valley sur-
rounded by high hills, and then shot down the villagers
who attempted to escape by climbing the steep slopes. I
was informed that more than 100 persons were killed in
this affray.

" In Taku, a large city midway between Seoul and
Fusan, hundreds of cases of torture occurred, and many
of the victims of ill-treatment were in the hospitals. In
Seoul, the capital, strings of prisoners were seen daily
being taken to jails which were already crowded.

"While I was in this city I spent some time in the
Severance Hospital as a patient, and saw wounded men
taken out by the police, one of them having been beaten
to death. Two days later the hospital repeatedly

272 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

entered and the patients catechized, those in charge being
unable to prevent it. Detectives even attempted in the
night time secretly to enter my room while I was critically
ill.

"In Seoul, Koreans were not allowed to be on the
streets after dark and were not allowed to gather in
groups larger than three. All the prisoners were brutally
and disgustingly treated. Innocent persons were being
continually arrested, kept in overcrowded prisons a month
or more, and then, after being flogged, released without
trial.

" Northern Korea suffered the most from the Japanese
brutalities. In the Pyeng-yang and Sensan districts
whole villages were destroyed and churches burned, many
of which I saw and photographed.

" In Pyeng-yang I interviewed the Governor and easily
saw that he was powerless, everything being in the hands
of the chief of the gendarmerie. At first I was not al-
lowed to visit the prison, but the Governor-General of
Korea telegraphed his permission. I found it clean and
the prisoners were well fed, but the overcrowded condi-
tion of the cells caused untold suffering.

" In one room, ten feet by six, were more than thirty
prisoners. The prison governor admitted that the total
normal capacity of the building was 800, but the occu-
pants then numbered 2,100. He said he had requested
Ihe Government to enlarge the prison immediately, as
otherwise epidemics would break out as soon as hot
weather came.

"I visited an interior village to learn the truth in a
report that the Christians had been driven from their
homes. The local head official, not a Christian, admitted
lo me that the non-Christian villagers had driven the
Christians into the mountains because the local military
officials had warned him that their presence would result
in the village being shot up. He said he had the most
friendly feeling for the Christians but drove them out in
self-protection.

" In other villages which I visited the building had been
entirely destroyed and the places were destroyed. In

PEOPLE SPEAK TYEANTS ANSWER 273

some of the places I found only terrorized and tearful
women who did not dare to speak to a foreigner because
the local gendarmes would beat and torture them if
they did so.

" The majority of the schools throughout the country
are closed. In most places the missionaries are not al-
lowed to hold services. Though innocent of any wrong-
doing, they are under continual suspicion. It was im-
possible for them or others to use the telegraph and post-
offices, the strictest censorship prevailing. Undoubtedly
an attempt is being made to undermine Christianity and
make the position of missionaries so difficult that it will
be impossible for them to carry on their work.

" In the course of my investigation I was deeply im-
pressed with the pitiful condition of the Korean people.
They are allowed only a limited education and attempts
are being made to cause them to forget their national
history and their language.

" There is no freedom of the press or of public meet-
ing. The people are subject to the harshest regulations
and punishments without any court of appeal. They are
like sheep driven to a slaughter house. Only an inde-
pendent investigation can make the world understand
Korea's true position. At present the groanings and suf-
ferings of 20,000,000 people are apparently falling on
deaf ear."

As these tales, and many more like them, were
spread abroad, the Japanese outside of Korea tried
to find some excuse for their nationals. One of the
most extraordinary of these excuses was a series
of instructions, said to have been issued by General
Utsonomiya, commander of the military forces in
Korea, to the officers and men under him. Copies
of these were privately circulated by certain pro-
Japanese in America among their friends, as proof
of the falsity of the charges of ill-treatment. Some
extracts from them were published by Bishop Her-

274 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOB FEEEDOM

bert Welsh, of the Methodist Church, in the Chris-
tian Advocate.

"Warm sympathy should be shown to the erring
Koreans, who, in spite of their offence, should be treated
as unfortunate fellow countrymen, needing love and
guidance.

" Use of weapons should be abstained from till the last
moment of absolute necessity. Where, for instance, the
demonstration is confined merely to processions and the
shouting of banzai and no violence is done, efforts should
be confined to the dispersal of crowds by peaceful per-
suasion.

" Even in case force is employed as the last resource,
endeavour should be made to limit its use to the minimum
extent.

" The moment the necessity therefor ceases the use of
force should at once be stopped. . . .

" Special care should be taken not to harm anybody not
participating in disturbances, especially aged people, chil-
dren and women. With regard to the missionaries and
other foreigners, except in case of the plainest evidence,
as, for instance, where they are caught in the act, all for-
bearance and circumspection should be used.

" You are expected to see to it that the officers and men
under you (especially those detailed in small parties) will
lead a clean and decent life and be modest and polite,
without abating their loyalty and courage, thus exem-
plifying in their conduct the noble traditions of our
historic Bushido," . . .

If a final touch were wanted to the disgrace of
the Japanese administration, here it was. Brutal-
ity, especially brutality against the unarmed and
against women and children, is bad enough; but
when to brutality we add nauseating hypocrisy,
God help us!

One of the Japanese majors who returned from

PEOPLE SPEAK TYBALTS AtfSWEB 275

Korea to Tokyo to lecture was more straightfor-
ward. " We must beat and kill the Koreans," he
said. And they did.

After a time the Japanese papers began to report
the punishments inflicted on the arrested Koreans.
Many were released after examination and beat-
ings. It was mentioned that up to April 13th,
2,400 of those arrested in Seoul alone had been
released, "after severe admonition," The usual
sentences were between six months' and four years'
imprisonment

Soon there came reports that prisoners were at-
tempting to commit suicide in jail. Then came
word that two of the original signers of the Decla-
ration of Independence were dead in prison.
Koreans everywhere mourned. For they could
imagine how they had died.

During the summer the authorities published
figures relating to the number of prisoners brought
under the examination of Public Procurators be-
tween March 1st and June 18th, on account of the
agitation. These figures do not include the large
numbers released by the police after arrest, and
after possibly summary punishment. Sixteen thou-
sand one hundred and eighty-three men were
brought up for examination. Of these, 8,351 were
prosecuted and 5,858 set free after the Procurators'
examination. One thousand seven hundred and
seventy-eight were transferred from one law court
to another for the purpose of thorough examina-
tion, while 178 had not yet been tried.

XVI

THE REIGN OF TERROR IN PYENG-YANG

|YENG-YANG, the famous missionary
centre in Northern Korea, has been de-
scribed in previous chapters. The people
here, Christians and non-Christians alike, took a
prominent part in the movement. It was an-
nounced that three memorial services would be
held on March 1st, in memory of the late Emperor,
one in the compound of the Christian Boys' School,
one in the compound of the Methodist church and
the third at the headquarers of the Chun-do Kyo.

The meeting at the boys' school was typical of
all. Several of the native pastors and elders of the
Presbyterian churches of the city, including the
Moderator of the General Assembly, were present,
and the compound was crowded with fully three
thousand people. After the memorial service was
finished, a prominent Korean minister asked the
people to keep their seats, as there was more to
follow.

Then, with an air of great solemnity, the Mod-
erator of the General Assembly read two passages
from the Bible, 1 Peter 3 : 13-17 and Romans 9 : 3.

" And who is he that will harm you, if ye be followers
of that which is good.

" But, if ye suffer for righteousness sake, happy are ye,
and be not afraid of their terror, neither be troubled.

276

THE BEIGN OF TEBBQft IN PYEXG-YAKG 277

" For I could wish lhat I were accurst from Christ for
my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh/'

It was the great appeal to all that was most
heroic in their souls. Some of them whispered the
words after the Moderator.

" Sarami doorupkei hanangusul doom wo mal-
myu sodong chi malgo."

" Be not afraid of their terror. 5 '

These white-robed men knew what was before
them. Terror and torture and suffering were no
new things to them. Within a quarter of a century
conquering and defeated armies had passed through
their city time after time. They knew war, and
they knew worse than war. Japan had during the
past few years planted her terror among them, per-
secuting the Church, arresting its most prominent
members on false charges, breaking them in prison
by scientific torture. Many of the men knew, in
that assembly, of the meaning of police flogging,
the feel of police burning, the unspeakable agony
of being strung up by the thumbs under the police
inquisition.

"Be not afraid of their terror! 5 * Easy to say
this to Western peoples, to whom terror is known
only in the form of the high explosives and drop-
ping bombs of honourable war. But for these
men it had another meaning, an inquisition await-
ing them compared with which the tortures of Tor-
quemada paled.

"Be not afraid!"

There was no tremor of fear in the voice of the

278 KOBE A' S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

college graduate who rose to his feet and came to
the front. " This is the proudest and happiest day
of my life/' he said. " Though I die to-morrow, I
cannot help but read." He had a paper in his
hand. As the vast audience saw it, they gave a
great cheer. Then he read the Declaration of In-
dependence of the Korean people.

When he had finished, another man took the plat-
form. "Nothing of an unlawful nature is to be
permitted," he said. " You are all to obey orders,
and make no resistance to the authorities, nor to
attack the Japanese officials or people." A speech
on Korean independence followed. Then some
men came out of the building bearing armfuls of
Korean flags, which they distributed among the
people. A large Korean flag was raised on the
wall behind, and the crowd rose to its feet cheering,
waving flags, calling " Mansei."

There was to be a parade through the streets.
But spies had already hurried off to the police sta-
tion, and before the people could leave, a company
of policemen arrived. " Remain quiet," the word
went round. The police gathered up the flags.

In the evening a large crowd gathered in front of
the police station shouting " Mansei." The police
ordered the hose to be turned on them. The
Korean policemen refused to obey their Japanese
superiors, threw off their uniforms and joined the
mob. The hose at last got to work. The mob re-
sponded by throwing stones, breaking the windows
of the police station. This was the only violence.
On the following day, Sunday, the churches were

THE EEIGH" OF TEEEOE IN PYENG-YAKG 279

closed. At midnight, the police had summoned
Dr. Moffett to their office and told him that no
services could be allowed. Early in the morning",
the leaders of the Saturday meetings were arrested,
and were now in jail. " Be not afraid ! "

At nine o'clock on Monday morning a company
of Japanese soldiers was drilling on the campus.
A number of students from the college and acad-
emy were on the top of a bank, looking on at the
drill. Suddenly the soldiers, in obedience to a
word of command, rushed at the students. The
latter took to their heels and fled, save two or three
who stood their ground. The students who had
escaped cheered; and one of the men who stood his
ground called " Mansei." The soldiers struck him
with the butts and barrels of their rifles. Then one
poked him with his rifle in his face. He was bleed-
ing badly. Two soldiers led him off, a prisoner.
The rest were dispersed with kicks and blows.

Now the Japanese started their innings. One
man in plain clothes confronted a Korean who was
walking quietly, slapped his face and knocked him
down. A soldier joined in the sport, and after
many blows with the rifle and kicks, they rolled
him down an embankment into a ditch. They then
ran down, pulled him out of the ditch, kicked him
some more, and hauled him off to prison.

The streets were full of people now, and parties
of troops were going about everywhere dispersing
them. The crowds formed, shouting " Mansei " ;
the soldiers chased them, beating up all they could
catch. There were rumours that most of the Ko-

230 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

rean policemen had deserted; they had joined the
crowds; the Japanese were searching for them and
arresting them ; and, men whispered, they would be
executed. By midday, every one had enough trou-
ble, and the city quieted down for the rest of the
day. It was not safe to go abroad now. The sol-
diers were beating up every one they could find,
particularly women.

By Tuesday the city was full of tales of the do-
ings of the soldiers ; having tasted blood, the troops
were warming to their work. " The soldiers have
been chasing people to-day like they were hunters
after wild beasts/* wrote one foreign spectator.
" Outrages have been very numerous." Still, de-
spite the troops, the people held two or three patri-
otic meetings.

Let me tell the tale of Tuesday and Wednesday
from two statements made by Dr. Moffett. These
statements were made at the time to the officials in
Pyeng-yang and in Seoul:

"On Tuesday, March 4th, I, in company with
Mr. Yamada, Inspector of Schools, went into the
midst of the crowds of Koreans on the college
grounds, and thence went through the streets to
the city.

" We saw thousands of Koreans on the streets,
the shops all closed, and Japanese soldiers here and
there. . . .

" As we came back and near a police station, sol-
diers made a dash at some fifteen or more people
in the middle of the street, and three of the soldiers
dashed at some five or six men standing quietly at

THE BEIGN OP TEEEOE IN PYENG-YANG 281

the side, under the eaves of the shops, hitting them
with their guns. One tall young man in a very
clean white coat dodged the thrust of the gun com-
ing about five feet under the eaves when an officer
thrust his sword into his back, just under the shoul-
der blades. The man was not more than ten feet
from us in front. . . .

" Mr. Yamada was most indignant and said, ' I
shall tell Governor Kudo just what I have seen and
tell him in detail/

" I asked him if he had noticed that the man was
quietly standing at the side of the road, and had
given no occasion for attack. He said, ' Yes.'

" Just after that we saw thirty-four young girls
and women marched along by some six or eight
policemen and soldiers, the girls ahead not being
more than twelve or thirteen years of age.

" Just outside the West Gate Mr. Yamada and I
separated and I went towards home. As I arrived
near my own compound, I saw a number of sol-
diers rush into the gate of the Theological Semi-
nary professor's cottage, and saw them grab out a
man, beat and kick him and lead him off. Others
began clubbing a youth behind the gate and then led
him out, tied him tightly and beat and kicked him.

" Then there came out three others, two youths
and one man, dragged by soldiers, and then tied
with rope, their hands tied behind them.

"Thinking one was my secretary, who lived in
the gate house, where the men had been beaten, I
moved to the junction of the road to make sure, but
I recognized none of the four. When they came to

282 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

the junction of the road and some of the soldiers
were within ten or twelve feet of me, they all
stopped, tied the ropes tighter, and then with four
men tied and helpless, these twenty or more sol-
diers, in charge of an officer, struck the men with
their fists in the face and back, hit them on the
head and face with a piece of board, kicked them on
the legs and back, doing these things repeatedly.
The officer in a rage raised his sword over his head
as he stood before a boy, and both I and the boy
thought that he was to be cleft in two. The cry of
terror and anguish he raised was most piercing.
Then, kicking and beating these men, they led
them off,

" The above I saw myself and testify to the
truthfulness of my statements. In all my contact
with the Koreans these five days, and in all my ob-
servation of the crowds inside and outside the city,
I have witnessed no act of violence on the part of
any Korean.

" The Theological Seminary was due to open on
March 5th, Five students from South Korea ar-
rived and went into their dormitory on the after-
noon of the 4th, They had taken no part in the
demonstrations. Later in the afternoon the sol-
diers, searching after some people who had run
away from them, burst into the seminary. They
broke open the door of the dormitory, pulled the
five theologues out and hauled them off to the
police station. There, despite their protests, they
were tied by their arms and legs to large wooden
crosses, face downwards, and beaten on the naked

THE EEIGN OP TEEEOB 1ST PYENG-YAKG 283

buttocks, twenty-nine tremendous blows from a
hard cane, each. Then they were dismissed*

" That same night firemen were let loose on the
village where many of the students lived and
boarded. They dragged out the young men and
beat them. The opening of the seminary had to
be postponed.

" The Japanese were eager to find grounds for
convicting the missionaries of participation in the
movement. One question was pressed on every
prisoner, usually by beating and burning, ' Who
instigated you? Was it the foreigners? J "

Dr. Moffett was a special object of Japanese
hatred. The Osaka Asahi printed a bitter attack
on him on March lYth. This is the more notable
because the Asahi is a noted organ of Japanese
Liberalism.

THE EVIL VILLAGE OUTSIDE THE WEST GATE
IN PYENG-YANG

A Clever Crowd

" Outside the West Gate in Pyeng-yang there are some
brick houses and some built after the Korean style, some
high and some low. These are the homes of the for-
eigners. There are about a hundred of them in all, and
they are Christian missionaries. In the balmy spring,
strains of music can be heard from there. Outwardly
they manifest love and mercy, but if their minds are fully
investigated, they will be found to be filled whh intrigue
and greed. They pretend to be here for preaching, but
they are secretly stirring up political disturbances, and
foolishly keep passing on the vain talk of the Koreans,
and thereby help to foster trouble. These are really the
homes of devils.

284 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEBEDOM

" The head of the crowd is Moffett. The Christians
of the place obey him as they would Jesus Himself. In
the spth year of Meiji freedom was given to any one to
believe in any religion he wished, and at that time Moffett
came to teach the Christian religion. He has been in
Pyeng-yang for thirty years, and has brought up a great
deal of land. He is really the founder of the foreign
community. In this community, because of his efforts
there have been established schools from the primary
grade to a college and a hospital. While they are edu-
cating the Korean children and healing their diseases on
the one hand, on the other there is concealed a clever
shadow, and even the Koreans themselves talk of this.

" This is the centre of the present uprising. It is not
in Seoul but in Pyeng-yang.

" It is impossible to know whether these statements are
true or false, but we feel certain that it is in Pyeng-yang,
in the Church schools, in a certain college and a certain
girls' school in the compound of these foreigners.
Really this foreign community is very vile." *

A veritable reign of terror was instituted. There
were wholesale arrests and the treatment of many
of the people in prison was in keeping* with the
methods employed by the Japanese on the Con-
spiracy Trial victims. The case of a little shoe boy
aroused special indignation. The Japanese thought
that he knew something- about the organization of
the demonstration why they thought so, only
those who can fathom the Japanese mind would
venture to say so they beat and burned him al-
most to death to make him confess. A lady mis-
sionary examined his body afterwards. There
were four scars, five inches long, where the flesh

1 Osaka AsaU, quoted in the Peking and Tientsin Times,
March 38, 1919,<

THE BEIGN OF TERROB IN PYESTG-YANG 285

had been seared with a red-hot iron. His hands
had swollen to twice their normal size from beating,
and the dead skin lay on the welts. He had been
kicked and beaten until he fainted. Then they
threw water over him and gave him water to drink
until he recovered when he was again piled with
questions and beaten with a bamboo rod until he
collapsed.

Some of those released from prison after they
had satisfied the Japanese of their innocence had
dreadful tales to tell. Sixty people were confined
in a room fourteen by eight feet, where they had
to stand up all the time, not being allowed to sit or
lie down. Eating and sleeping they stood leaning
against one another. The wants of nature had to
be attended to by them as they stood. The secre-
tary of one of the mission schools was kept for
seven days in this room, as part of sixteen days'
confinement, before he was released.

A student, arrested at his house, was kept at the
police station for twenty days. Then they let him
go, having found nothing against him. His bruised
body when he came out showed what he had suf-
fered. He had been bound and a cord around his
shoulders and arms pulled tight until the breast-
bone was forced forward and breathing almost
stopped. Then he was beaten with a bamboo stick
on the shoulders and arms until he lost conscious-
ness. The bamboo stick was wrapped in paper so
as to prevent the skin breaking and bleeding. He
saw another man beaten ten times into uncon-
sciousness, and ten times brought round ; and a boy

286 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FBEEDOM"

thrown down hard on the floor and stamped on
repeatedly until he lost consciousness. Those who
came out were few; what happened to those who
remained within the prison must be left to the
imagination.

Despite everything, the demonstrations of the
people still continued. On March 7th the people
of the villages of Po Paik and Kan, twenty miles
north of Pyeng-yang, came out practically en masse
to shout for independence. Next day four soldiers
and one Korean policeman arrived, asking for the
pastor of the church. They could not find him, so
they seized the school-teacher, slashed his head and
body with their swords and thrust a sword twice
into his legs. An elder of the church stepped up to
protest against such treatment, whereupon a Japa-
nese soldier ran a sword through his side. As the
soldiers left some young men threw stones at them.
The soldiers replied with rifle fire, wounding four
men.

Soldiers and police came again and again to find
the pastor and church officers who had gone into
hiding. On April 4th they seized the women and
demanded where their husbands were, beating
them with clubs and guns, the wife of one elder
being beaten till great red bruises showed all over
her body.

The police evidently made up their minds that
the Christians were responsible for the demonstra-
tion, and they determined to rid the place of them.
The services of some liquor sellers were enlisted to
induce people to tear down the belfry of the church*

THE EEIGN OF TEEEOE IN PYENG-YANG 287

On April 18th a Japanese came and addressed the
crowd through an interpreter.

He told them that the Christians had been de-
ceived by the " foreign devils/' who were an igno-
rant, low-down lot of people, and that they should
be driven out and go and live with the Americans
who had corrupted them. There was nothing in
the Bible about independence and " Mansei."
Three thousand cavalry and three thousand in-
fantry were coming to destroy all the Christians,
and if they did not drive them out but continued to
live with them, they would be shot and killed.

A number of half drunken men got together to
drive out the Christians. This was done. A re-
port was taken to the gendarmes that the Chris-
tians had been driven away, whereupon the vil-
lagers were praised. In other parts, near by, the
same chief of gendarmes was ordering the families
of Christians out of their homes, arresting the men
and leaving the women and children to seek refuge
where they might.

Word came to some other villages in the Pyeng-
yang area that the police would visit them on April
27th, to inspect the house-cleaning. The Chris-
tians received warning that they must look out for
a hard time. Everything was very carefully
cleaned, ready for the inspection. The leader of
the church sent word to all the people to gather for
early worship, so as to be through before the
police should come. But the police were there be-
fore them, a Japanese in charge, two Korean po-
licemen, two secretaries and two dog killers.

288 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

The two leaders 01 the church were called up by
the Japanese, who stepped down and ran his fingers
along the floor. "Look at this dust," he said.
Ordering the two men to sit down on the floor, he
beat them with a flail, over the shoulders.

" Do you beat an old man, seventy years old, this
way ? " called the older man*

" What is seventy years, you rascal of a Chris-
tian?" came the reply.

The police took the names of the Christians from
the church roll, and went round the village, picking
them out and beating them all, men, women and
children. They killed their dogs. The non-Chris-
tians were let alone.

On the afternoon of April 4th a cordon of police
and gendarmes was suddenly picketed all around
the missionary quarter in Pyeng-yang, and officials,
police and detectives made an elaborate search of
the houses. Some copies of an Independence news-
paper, a bit of paper with a statement of the num-
bers killed at Anju, and a copy of the program of
the memorial service were found among the papers
of Dr. Moffett's secretary, and two copies of a
mimeographed notice in Korean, thin paper rolled
up into a thin ball and thrown away, were found in
an outhouse. The secretary was arrested, bound,
beaten and hauled off. Other Koreans found on
the premises were treated in similar fashion. One
man was knocked down, beaten and kicked on the
head several times.

Dr. Moffett and the Rev. E. M. Mowry, another
American Presbyterian missionary from Mansfield,

THE HEIGHT CXF TEBBOB IN PYENG-YAKG 289

Ohio, were ordered to the police office that even-
ing, and cross-examined. Dr. Moffett convinced
the authorities that he knew nothing of the inde-
pendence movement and had taken no part in it
(he felt bound, as a missionary, not to take part in
political affairs), but Mr. Mowry was detained on
the charge of sheltering Korean agitators.

Mr. Mowry had allowed five Korean students
wanted by the police to remain in his house for two
days early in March. Some of them were his stu-
dents and one was his former secretary; Mr.
Mowry. was a teacher at the Union Christian Col-
lege, and principal of both the boys' and girls'
grammar schools at Pyeng-yang. Mr. Mowry de-
clared that Koreans often slept at his house, and
he had no knowledge that the police were trying to
arrest these lads.

The missionary was kept in jail for ten days.
His friends were told that he would probably be
sent to Seoul for trial. Then he was suddenly
brought before the Pyeng-yang court, no time be-
ing given for him to obtain counsel, and was sen-
tenced to six months' penal servitude. He was led
away wearing the prisoners' cap, a wicker basket,
placed over the head and face.

An appeal was at once entered, and eventually
the conviction was quashed, and a new trial
ordered.

XVII
GIRL MARTYRS FOR LIBERTY

THE most extraordinary feature of the up-
rising of the Korean people is the part
taken in it by the girls and women. Less
than twenty years ago, a man might live in Korea
for years and never come in contact with a Korean
woman of the better classes, never meet her on the
street, never see her in the homes of his Korean
friends. I have lived for a week or two at a time,
in the old days, in the house of a Korean man of
high class, and have never once seen his wife or
daughters. In Japan in those days and with
many families the same holds true to-day when
one was invited as a guest, the wife would receive
you, bow to the guest and her lord, and then would
humbly retire, not sitting to table with the men.

Christian teaching and modern ways broke down
the barrier in Korea. The young Korean women
took keenly to the new mode of life. The girls in
the schools, particularly in the Government schools,
led the way in the demand for the restoration of
their national life. There were many quaint and
touching incidents. In the missionary schools, the
chief fear of the girls was lest they should bring
trouble on their American teachers. The head
mistress of one of these schools noticed for some

290

GIEL MAETYES FOE LIBEETY 291

days that her girls were unusually excited She
heard them asking one another, " Have you en-
rolled?" and imagined that some new girlish league
was being formed. This was before the great day.
One morning the head mistress came down to dis-
cover the place empty. On her desk was a paper
signed by all the girls, resigning their places in the
school They thought that by this device they
would show that their beloved head mistress was
not responsible.

Soon there came a call from the Chief of Police.
The mistress was wanted at the police office at
once. All the girls from her school were demon-
strating and had stirred up the whole town. Would
the mistress come and disperse them?

The mistress hurried off. Sure enough, here
were the girls in the street, wearing national
badges, waving national flags, calling on the polite
to come and take them. The men had gathered
and were shouting "Mansei!" also.

The worried Chief of Police, who was a much
more decent kind than many of his fellows, begged
the mistress to do something. " I cannot arrest
them all," he said. "I have only one little cell
here. It would only hold a few of them." The
mistress went out to talk to the girls. They would
not listen, even to her. They cheered her, and
when she begged them to go home, shouted " Man-
sei! " all the louder.

The mistress went back to the Chief. "The
only thing 1 for you to do is to arrest me," she said.

The Chief was horrified at the idea. " I will go

292 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

out and tell the girls that you are going to arrest
me if they do not go," she said. "We will see
what that will do. But mind you, if they do not
disperse, you must arrest me."

She went out again. " Girls," she called, " the
Chief of Police is going to arrest me if you do not
go to your homes. I am your teacher, and it must
be the fault of my teaching that you will not obey."

" No, teacher, no," the girls shouted. " It is not
your fault. You have nothing to do with it. We
are doing this." And some of them rushed up, as
though they would rescue her by force of arms.

In the end, she persuaded the girls to go home,
in order to save her. " Well," said the leaders of
the girls, "it's all right now. We have done all
we wanted We have stirred up the men. They
were sheep and wanted women to make a start.
Now they will go on,"

The police and gendarmerie generally we*e not
so merciful as this particular Chief. The rule in
many police stations was to strip and beat the girls
and young women who took any part in the demon-
strations, and to expose them, absolutely naked, to
as many Japanese men as possible. The Korean
woman is as sensitive as a white woman about the
display of her person, and the Japanese, knowing
this, delighted to have this means of humiliating
them. In some towns, the schoolgirls arranged to
go out in sections, so many one day, so many on the
other. The girls who had to go out on the later
days knew how those who had preceded them had
been stripped and beaten. Anticipating that they

GIBL MAETYES FOE LIBEETY 293

would be treated in the same way, they sat up the
night before sewing special undergarments on
themselves, which would not be so easily removed
as their ordinary clothes, hoping that they might
thus avoid being stripped entirely naked.

The girls were most active of all in the city of
Seoul. I have mentioned in the previous chapter
the arrest of many of them. They were treated very
badly indeed. Take, for instance, the case of those
seized by the police on the morning of Wednes-
day, March 5th. They were nearly all of them
pupils from the local academies. Some of them
were demonstrating on Chong-no, the main street,
shouting " Mansei." Others were wearing straw
shoes, a sign of mourning, for the dead Emperor.
Still_ others were arrested because the police
thought that they might be on the way to demon-
strate, A few of these girls were released after a
spell in prison. On their release, their statements
concerning their treatment were independently re-
corded.

They were first taken to the Chong-no Police Sta-
tion, where a body of about twenty Japanese police-
men kicked them with their heavy boots, slapped
their cheeks or punched their heads. " They flung
me against a wall with all their might, so that I was
knocked senseless, and remained so for a time,"
said one. " They struck me such blows across the
ears that my cheeks swelled up/' said another.
" They trampled on my feet with their heavy nailed
boots till I felt as though my toes were crushed be-
neath them. . . There was a great crowd of

294 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

students, both girls and boys. They slapped the
girls over the ears, kicked them, and tumbled them
in the corners. Some of them they took by the
hair, jerking both sides of the face. Some of the
boy students they fastened down with a rope till
they had their heads fastened between their legs.
Then they trampled them with their heavy boots,
kicking them in their faces till their eyes were
swelled and blood flowed."

Seventy-five persons, forty men and thirty-five
girls, were confined in a small room. The door
was closed, and the atmosphere soon became dread-
ful. In vain they pleaded to have the door open.
The girls were left until midnight without food or
water. The men were removed at about ten in the
evening.

During the day, the prisoners were taken one by
one before police officials to be examined. Here
is the narrative of one of the schoolgirls. This
girl was dazed and almost unconscious from ill-
treatment and the poisoned air, when she was
dragged before her inquisitor.

" I was cross-questioned three times. When I
went out to the place of examination they charged
me with having straw shoes, and so beat me over
the head with a stick. I had no sense left with
which to make a reply. They asked :

" * Why did you wear straw shoes? 9

" ' The King had died, and whenever Koreans
are in mourning they wear straw shoes/

"'That is a lie, 5 said the cross-examiner. He
then arose and took my mouth in his two hands

GIBL MAETYES TOE LIBBETY 295

and pulled it each way so that it bled. I main-
tained that I had told the truth and no falsehoods.
' You Christians are all liars/ he replied, taking my
arm and giving it a pull.

"... The examiner then tore open my
jacket and said, sneeringly, * I congratulate you/
He then slapped my face, struck me with a stick
until I was dazed and asked again, * Who instigated
you to do this? Did foreigners? '

" My answer was, ' I do not know any foreigners,
but only the principal of the school. She knows
nothing of this plan of ours ! '

" ' Lies, only lies,' said the examiner.

" Not only I, but others too, suffered every kind
of punishment. One kind of torture was to make
us hold a board at arm's length and hold it out by
the hour. They also had a practice of twisting our
legs, while they spat on our faces. When ordered
to undress, one person replied, * T am not guilty of
any offence. Why should I take off my clothes
before you? *

" ' If you really were guilty, you would not be
required to undress, but seeing you are sinless, off
with your clothes/ "

He was a humorous fellow, this cross-examiner
of the Chong-no Police Station. He had evidently
learned something of the story of Adam and Kve
in the Garden of Eden. His way was first to
charge the girls schoolgirls of good family, mind
you with being pregnant, making every sort of
filthy suggestion to them. When the girls indig-
nantly denied, he would order them to strip.

296 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

" Since you maintain you have not sinned in any
way, I see the Bible says that if there is no sin in
you take off all your clothes and go before all the,
people naked," he told one girl " Sinless people
live naked/'

Let us tell the rest of the story in the girl's own
words. " The officer then came up to where I was
standing, and tried to take off my clothes. I cried,
and protested, and struggled, saying, ' This is not
the way to treat a woman.' He desisted. When
he was making these vile statements about us, he
did not use the Korean interpreter, but spoke in
broken Korean. The Korean interpreter seemed
sorrowful while these vile things were being said
by the operator. The Korean interpreter was or-
dered to beat me. He said he would not beat a
woman; he would bite his fingers first. So the
officer beat me with his fist on my shoulders, face
and legs."

These examinations were continued for days.
Sometimes a girl would be examined several times
a day. Sometimes a couple of examiners would
rush at her, beating and kicking her; sometimes
they would make her hold a chair or heavy board
out at full length, beating her if she let it sink in the
least. Then when she was worn out they would
renew their examination. The questions were all
directed towards one end, to discover who inspired
them, and more particularly if any foreigners or
missionaries had influenced them. During this
time they were kept under the worst possible con-
ditions.

GIEL MAETYES FOE LIBERTY 297

" I cannot recount all the vile things that were
said to us while in the police quarters in Chong-no,"
declared one of the girls. " They are too obscene
to be spoken, but by the kindness of the Lord i
thought of how Paul had suffered in prison, and
was greatly comforted. I knew that God would
give the needed help, and as I bore it for my coun-
try, I did not feel the shame and misery of it" One
American woman, to whom some of the girls re-
lated their experiences, said to me, " I cannot tell
you, a man, all that these girls told us. 1 will only
say this. There have been stories of girls having
their arms cut off. If these girls had been daugh-
ters of mine I would rather that they had their
arms cut off than that they faced what those girls
endured in Chong-no."

There came a day when the girls were bound at
the wrists, all fastened together, and driven in a
car to the prison outside the West Gate. Some of
them were crying. They were not allowed to look
up or speak. The driver, a Korean, took advan-
tage of a moment when the attention of their guard
was attracted to whisper a word of encouragement.
" Don't be discouraged and make your bodies
weak. You are not yet condemned. This is only
to break your spirits."

The prison outside the West Gate is a model
Japanese jail. There were women officials here.
It seemed horrible to the girls that they should be
made to strip in front of men and be examined by
them. Probably the men were prison doctors.
But it was evidently intended to shame them as

298 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

much as possible. Thus one girl relates that, after
her examination, " I was told to take my clothes
and go into another room. One woman went with
me, about a hundred yards or more away. I
wanted to put my clothes on before leaving the
room, but they hurried me and pushed me. I
wrapped my skirt about my body before I went
out, and carried the rest of my clothes in my arms.
After leaving this room, and before reaching the
other, five Korean men prisoners passed us."

For the first week the girls, many of them in
densely crowded cells, were kept in close confine-
ment. After this, they were allowed out for fifteen
minutes, wearing the prisoners' hat, which comes
down over the head, after breakfast. Their food
was beans and millet It was given to the accom-
paniment of jeers and insults. " You Koreans eat
like dogs and cats," the wardresses told them.

The routine of life in the prison was very trying.
They got up at seven. Most of the day they had
to assume a haunched, kneeling position, and re-
main absolutely still, hour after hour. The ward-
resses in the corridors kept close watch, and woe to
the girl who made the slightest move. " They or-
dered us not to move a hand or a foot but to remain
perfectly still," wrote one girl. " Even the slight-
est movement brought down every kind of wrath,
We did not dare to move even a toe-nail/'

One unhappy girl, mistaking the call of an offi-
cial in the corridor, " I-ri-ma sen " for a command
to go to sleep, stretched out her leg to lie down.
She was scolded and severely punished. Another

GIEL MAETTES FOE LIBEETY 299

closed her eyes in prayer. " You are sleeping,"
called the wardress. In vain the girl replied that
she was praying. "You lie," retorted the polite
Japanese lady. More punishment!

After fifteen days in the prison outside the West
Gate, some of the girls were called in the office.
" Go, but be very careful not to repeat your of-
fence," they were told. " If you are caught again,
you will be given a heavier punishment"

The worst happenings with the women were not
in the big towns, where the presence of white peo-
ple exercised some restraint, but in villages, where
the new troops often behaved in almost incredible
fashion, outraging freely. The police in many of
these outlying parts rivalled the military in bru-
tality. Of the many stories that reached me, the
tale of Tong Chun stands out. The account was
investigated by experienced white men, who
shortly afterwards visited the place and saw for
themselves.

The village of Tong Chun contains about 300
houses and is the site of a Christian church. The
young men of the place wished to make a demon-
stration but the elders of the church dissuaded
them for a time. However, on March 29th, mar-
ket day, when there were many people in the place,
some children started demonstrating, and their
elders followed, a crowd of four or five hundred
people marching through the streets and shouting
" Mansei ! " There was no violence of any kind.
The police came out and arrested seventeen per-
sons, including five women.

300 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

One of these women was a widow of thirty-one.
She was taken into the police office and a policeman
tore off her clothes, leaving her in her underwear.
Then the police began to take off her underclothes.
She protested, whereupon they struck her in the
face with their hands till she was black and blue.
She still clung to her clothes, so they put a wooden
paddle down between her legs and tore her clothes
away. Then they beat her. The beating took a
long time. When it was finished the police stopped
to drink tea and eat Japanese cakes, they and their
companions there were a number of men in the
room amusing themselves by making fun of her
as she sat there naked among them. She was sub-
sequently released. For a week afterwards she
had to lie down most of the time and could not
walk around.

Another victim was the wife of a Christian
teacher, a very bright, intelligent woman, with one
child four months old, and two or three months ad-
vanced in her second pregnancy. She had taken a
small part in the demonstration and then had gone
to the home of the mother of another woman who
had been arrested, to comfort her. Police came
here, and demanded if she had shouted " ManseL"
She admitted that she had. They ordered her to
leave the child that she was carrying on her back
and took her to the police station. As she entered
the station a man kicked her forcibly from behind
and she fell forward in the room. As she lay there
a policeman put his foot on her neck, then raised
her up and struck her again and again. She was

GIEL MAETYES FOE LIBEETY 301

ordered to rndress. She hesitated, whereupon the
policeman kicked her, and took up a paddle
and a heavy stick to beat her with. " You are a
teacher/' he cried. " You have set the minds of
the children against Japan. I will beat you to
death."

He tore her underclothes off. Still clinging to
them, she tried to cover her nakedness. The
clothes were torn out of her hands. She tried to
sit down. They forced her up. She tried by turn-
ing to the wall to conceal herself from the many
men in the room. They forced her to turn round
again. When she tried to shelter herself with her
hands, one man twisted her arms, held them behind
her back, and kept them there while the beating
and kicking continued. She was so badly hurt that
she would have fallen to the floor, but they held her
up to continue the beating. She was then sent into
another room. Later she and other women were
again brought in the office. u Do you know now
how wrong it is to call *Mansci'?" the police
asked. "Will you ever dare to do such a thing 1
again? "

Gradually news of how the women were being
treated spread. A crowd of five hundred people
gathered next morning. The hot bloods among
them were for attacking the station, to take re-
venge for the ill-treatment of their women. The
chief Christian kept them back, and finally a depu-
tation of two went inside the police office to make a
protest They spoke up against the stripping of
the women, declaring it unlawful. The Chief of

302 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

Police replied that they were mistaken. It was
permitted under Japanese law. They had to strip
them to search for unlawful papers. Then the men
asked why only the younger women were stripped,
and not the older, why they were beaten after be-
ing stripped, and why only women and not men
were stripped. The Chief did not reply.

By this time the crowd was getting very ugly.
" Put us in prison too, or release the prisoners/' the
people called. In the end the Chief agreed to re-
lease all but four of the prisoners.

Soon afterwards the prisoners emerged from the
station. One woman, a widow of thirty-two who
had been arrested on the previous day and very
badly kicked by the police, had to be supported on
either side. The wife of the Christian teacher had
to be carried on a man's back. Let me quote from
a description written by those on the spot:

" As they saw the women being brought out, in
this condition, a wave of pity swept over the whole
crowd, and with one accord they burst into tears
and sobbed. Some of them cried out, ' It is better
to die than to live under such savages/ and many
urged that they should attack the police office with
their naked hands, capture the Chief of Police, strip
him and beat him to death. But the Christian
elder and other wiser heads prevailed, kept the
people from any acts of violence, and finally got
them to disperse/'

XVIII
WORLD REACTIONS

ON April 23rd, at a time when the persecu-
tion was at its height, delegates, duly
elected by each of the thirteen provinces
of Korea, met, under the eyes of the Japanese po-
lice, in Seoul, and adopted a constitution, creating
the Republic.

Dr. Syngman Rhee, the young reformer of 1894,
who had suffered long imprisonment for the cause
of independence, was elected the first President
Dr. Rhee was now in America, and he promptly es-
tablished headquarters in Washington, from which
to conduct a campaign in the interests of his people.
Diplomatically, of course, the new Republican or-
ganization could not be recognized; but there are
many ways in which such a body can work.

The First Ministry included several men who
had taken a prominent part in reform work in the
past The list was :

Prime Minister Tong Hui Yee

Minister Foreign Affairs Yongman Park

Minister of Interior Tong Yung Yee

Minister of War Pafc Yin Roe

Minister of Finance Si Yung Yee

Minister of Law Kiu Sik Cynn

303

304 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

Minister of Education Kiusic Kimm

Minister of Communications Chang Bum Moon

Director Bureau of Labour Chang Ho Ahn

Chief of Staff Tong Yul Lew

Vice Chief of Staff Sei Yung Lee

Vice Chief of Staff Nan Soo Hahn

The Provisional Constitution was essentially
democratic and progressive:

PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION

By the will of God, the people of Korea, both within
and without the country, have united in a peaceful dec-
laration of their independence, and for over one month
have carried on their demonstrations in over 300 districts,
and because of their faith in the movement they have by
their representatives chosen a Provisional Government
to carry on to completion this independence and so to
preserve blessings for our children and grandchildren.

The Provisional Government, in its Council of State,
has decided on a Provisional Constitution, which it now
proclaims.

1. The Korean Republic shall follow republican prin-
ciples.

2. All powers of State shall rest with the Provisional
Council of State of the Provisional Government.

3. There shall be no class distinction among the
citizens of the Korean Republic, but men and women,
noble and common, rich and poor, shall have equality.

4. The citizens of the Korean Republic shall have re-
ligious liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of writing
and publication, the right to hold public meetings and
form social organizations and the full right to choose
their dwellings or change their abode.

^ 5. The citizens of the Korean Republic shall have the
right to vote for all public officials or to be elected to
public office.

6. Citizens will be subject to compulsory education
and military service and payment of taxes.

WOELD BEACTXONS 305

7. Since by the will of God the Korean Republic has
arisen in the world and has come forward as a tribute
to the world peace and civilization, for this reason we
wish to become a member of the League of Nations.

8. The Korean Republic will extend benevolent treat-
ment to the former Imperial Family.

9. The death penalty, corporal punishment and public
prostitution will be abolished.

10. Within one year of the recovery of our land the
National Congress will be convened.

Signed by :

The Provisional Secretary of State,
And the Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
Home Affairs,
Justice,
Finance,
War,
Communications.

In the ist Year of the Korean Republic, 4th Month.
The following are six principles of government :

1. We proclaim the equality of the people and the
State.

2. The lives and property of foreigners shall be re-
spected.

3. All political offenders shall be specially pardoned.

4. We will observe all treaties that shall be made
with foreign powers.

5. We swear to stand by the independence of Korea.

6. Those who disregard the orders of the Provisional
Government will be regarded as enemies of the State,

The National Council issued a statement of its
aims and purpose :

'April 22,

We, the people of Korea, represented by thirty-three
men, including Son Pyeng Heui, have already made the
Declaration of Independence of Korea, found on the
principle of righteousness and humanity., With a vie\v;

306 'KOBE'S FIGHT FOE FEEBDOM

to upholding the authority of the Declaration, solidifying
the foundations of the Independence, and meeting the
natural needs of humanity, we, by combining the large
and small groups and the provincial representatives, have
organized the Korean National Council, and hereby pro-
claim it to the world.

We, the people of Korea, have a history of over forty-
two centuries, as a self-governing and separate state,
and of special, creative civilization, and are a peace-
loving race. We claim a right to be sharers in the
world's enlightenment, and contributors in the evolution
of mankind. With a distinctive and world- wide glorious
past, and. with our healthy national spirit, we should
never be subjected to inhuman and unnatural oppression,
nor assimilation by another race ; and still less could we
submit to the materialistic subjugation by the Japanese,
whose spiritual civilization is 2,000 years behind ours.

The world knows that Japan has violated the sworn
treaties of the past and is robbing us of the right of
existence. We, however, are not discussing the wrongs
done us by the Japanese in the past, nor considering
their accumulated sins; but, in order to guarantee our
rights of existence, extend liberty and equality, safe-
guard righteousness and humanity, maintain the peace
of the Orient, and respect the equitable welfare of the
whole world, do claim the independence of Korea. This
is truly the will of God, motivation of truth, just claim,
and legitimate action. By this the world's verdict is to
be won, and the repentance of Japan hastened.

At this time, when the militarism which once threat-
ened the peace of the world is brought to submission,
and when the world is being reconstructed for a lasting
peace, will Japan refuse self-reflection and self-awaken-
ing? Obstinate clinging to the errors, which have gone
contrary to the times and nature, will result in nothing
but the diminution of the happiness of the two peoples
and endangering of the peace of the world. This council
demands with all earnestness that the government of
Japan abandon as early as possible the inhuman policy
of aggression and firmly safeguard the tripodic relation-

WOELD REACTIONS 307

ship of the Far East, and further duly warn the people
of Japan.

Can it be that the conscience of mankind will calmly
witness the cruel atrocities visited upon us by the bar-
barous military power of Japan for our actions in behalf
of the rights of life founded upon civilization ? The devo-
tion and blood of our 20,000,000 will never cease nor
dry under this unrighteous oppression. If Japan does
not repent and mend her ways for herself, our race will
be obliged to take the final action, to the limit of the
last man and the last minute, which will secure the com-
plete independence of Korea, What enemy will with-
stand when our race marches forward with righteousness
and humanity? With our utmost devotion and best labour
we demand before the world our national independence
and racial autonomy.

THE KOREAN NATIONAL COUNCIL
Representatives of the thirteen Provinces :

Yee Man Jik Kim Hyung Sun

Yee Nai Su Yu Keun

Pak Han Yung Kang Ji Yung

Pak Chang Ho Chang Seung

Yee^Yeng Jun Kim Heyen Chun

Choi Chun Koo Kim Ryu

Yee Yong Kiu Kim Sig

Yu Sik Kiu Chu Ik

Yu Jang Wuk Hong Seung Wuk

Song Ji Hun Chang Chun

Yee Tong Wuk Chung Tarn Kio

Kim Taik Pak Tak
Kang Hoon

RESOLUTIONS

That a Provisional Government shall be organized.

That a demand be made of the Government of Japan
to withdraw the administrative and military organs from
Korea.

That a delegation shall be appointed to the Paris Peace
Conference,

308 KOREA'S FIGHT FOE FREEDOM

That the Koreans in the employ of the Japanese Gov-
ernment shall withdraw.

That the people shall refuse to pay taxes to the Japa-
nese Government.

That the people shall not bring petitions or litigations
before the Japanese Government.

It was expected in Korea that there would be an
immediate agitation in America to secure redress
for the Koreans. There was some disappointment
here. There is no reason why the full reasons
should not be made public.

The missionary organizations mainly represented
in Korea are also strongly represented in Japan.
Their officials at their headquarters are almost
forced to adopt what can be politely described as a
statesmanlike attitude over matters of controversy
between different countries. When Mr. Arm-
strong, of the Methodist Board of Missions of Can-
ada, arrived in America, burning with indignation
over what he had seen, he found among the Ameri-
can leaders a spirit of great caution. They did not
want to offend Japan, nor to injure Christianity
there. And there was a feeling a quite honest
feeling, that they might accomplish more by ap-
pealing to the better side of Japan than by frankly
proclaiming the truth. The whole matter was re-
ferred, by the Presbyterian and Methodist Boards,
to the Commission on Relations with the Orient of
the Federal Council of the Churches, a body repre-
senting the Churches as a whole.

WORLD EEAOTIONS 309

The Secretary of the Federal Council is the Rev.
Sydney Gulick, the most active defender of Japa-
nese interests of any European or American to-day.
Mr. Gulick lived a long time in Japan; he sees
things, inevitably, from a Japanese point of view.
He at once acted as though he were resolved to
keep the matter from the public gaze. This was
the course recommended by the Japanese Consul-
General Yada at New York. Private pressure was
brought on the Japanese authorities, and the prepa-
ration of a report was begun in very leisurely
fashion.

Every influence that Mr. Gulick possessed was
exercised to prevent premature publicity. The re-
port of the Federal Council was not issued until be-
tween four and five months after the atrocities be-
gan. A Presbyterian organization, The New Era
Movement, issued a stinging report on its own ac-
count, a few days before. The report of the fed-
erated Council was preceded by a cablegram from
Mr. Kara, the Japanese President, declaring- that
the report of abuses committed by agents of the
Japanese Government in Korea had been engaging
his most serious attention. " I am fully prepared
to look squarely at actual facts."

The report itself, apart from a brief, strongly
pro- Japanese introduction, consisted of a series of
statements by missionaries and others in Korea,
and was as outspoken and frank as any one could
desire. The only regret was that it had not been
issued immediately. Here was a situation that

310 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

called for the pressure of world public opinion. In
keeping this back as long as possible Mr, Gulick, I
am convinced, did the cause of Korean Christianity
a grave injury, and helped to prevent earlier re-
dress being obtained.

" No neutrality for brutality " was the motto
adopted by many of the missionaries of Korea. It
is a good one for the Churches as a whole. There
are times when the open expression of a little hon-
est indignation is better than all the " ecclesiastical
statesmanship " that can be employed.

In Japan itself, every effort was made by the
authorities to keep back details of what was hap-
pening. Mr. Hara, the Progressive Premier, is in
none too strong a position. The military party,
and the forces of reaction typified by Prince Yama-
gata, have too much power for him to do as much
as he himself perhaps would. He consented to the
institution of a scheme of extra severity in April,
and while redress was promised in certain particu-
lar instances, as in the Suigen outrage, there was
no desire displayed to meet the situation fully,
Taxed in Parliament, he tried to wriggle out of
admissions that anything was wrong.

The attitude of the people of Japan at first was
frankly disappointing to those who hoped that the
anti-militarist party there would really act One
American-Japanese paper, the Japan Advertiser*
sent a special correspondent to Korea and his re-
ports were of the utmost value. The Japan Chron-
icle, the English owned paper at Kobe, was equally

WOELD EEACTIOtfS 311

outspoken. The Japanese press as a whole had
very little to say; it had been officially " requested "
not to say anything about Korea.

The Japanese Constitutional Party sent Mr.
Konosuke Morya to investigate the situation on
the spot. He issued a report declaring that the
disturbances were due to the discriminatory treat-
ment of Koreans, complicated and impracticable
administrative measures, extreme censorship of
public speeches, forcible adoption of the assimila-
tion system, and the spread of the spirit of self-
determination. Of the assimilation system he said,
" It is a great mistake of colonial policy to attempt
to enforce upon the Koreans, with a 2,000-year his-
tory, the same spiritual and mental training as the
Japanese people."

By this time the Japanese Churches were begin-
ning to stir. The Federation of Churches in Japan
sent Dr. Ishizaka, Secretary of the Mission Board
of the Japan Methodist Church, to enquire. Dr.
Ishizaka's findings were published in the Gokyo.
I am indebted for a summary of them to an article
by Mr. R. S. Spencer, In the Christian Advocate of
New York :

" Dr. Ishizaka first showed, on the authority of officials,
missionaries and others, that the missionaries could in
no just way be looked upon as the cause o the dis-
turbances. Many Koreans and most of the missionaries
had looked hopefully to Japanese control as offering a
cure for many ills of the old regime, but in the ten years
of occupation feeling had undergone a complete revulsion
and practically all were against the Japanese governing

312 KOEEA'S EIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

system. The reasons he then sketches as follows: (i)
The much-vaunted educational system established by the
Governor-General makes it practically impossible for a
Korean to go higher than the middle schools (roughly
equivalent to an American high school) or a technical
school. Even when educated Koreans were universally
discriminated against. In the same office, at the same
work, Koreans receive less pay than Japanese. (The
quotations are from the translation of the Japan Ad-
vertiser. ) ' A Korean student in Aoyama Gakuin, who
stayed at Bishop Honda's home, became the head officer
of the Taikyu district office. That was before the an-
nexation. . . . That officer is not in Taikyu now.
He is serving in some petty office in the country. The
Noko Bank, in Keijo (Seoul) is the only place where
the Japanese and Koreans are treated equally, but there,
also, the equality is only an outward form/ (2) The
depredations of the Oriental Improvement Co., the pro-
tege of the government, resulted in the eviction of hun-
dreds of Korean farmers, who fled to Manchuria and
Siberia, many dying miserably. The wonderful roads
are mentioned, it being shown that they are built and
cared for by forced labour of the Koreans. That most
galling and obnoxious of all bureaucratic methods, car-
ried to the nth power in Japan the making out of end-
less reports and forms has created dissatisfaction. Dr.
Ishizaka relates how an underling official required a
Korean of education to rewrite a notice of change of
residence six times because he omitted a dot in one of
those atrocious Chinese characters, which are a hobble
on the development of Japan. This last opinion is
mine, not the doctor's. (3) The gendarmerie, or
military police system, is mentioned, 13,000 strong, of
whom about 8,000 are renegade Koreans. Admittedly
a rough lot, these men are endowed with absolute power
of search, personal or domiciliary, detention, arrest (and
judging from the reports, I would say torture) without
warrant. Bribery is, of course, rampant among them.
(4) Associated closely with the police system, indeed
controlling it and the civil administration and everything

WOBLD 'EBAOTIONS 313

else, is the military government. The Governor-General
must be a military officer. Dr. Ishizaka says : c Milita-
rism means tyranny; it never acts in open daylight, but
seeks to cover up its intentions. The teachers in pri-
mary schools and even in girls' schools, that is, the men
teachers, wear swords.' (5) Lastly, Dr. Ishizaka speaks
of the method, which we can easily recognize as to
source, of trying to * assimilate * the Koreans by pro-
hibiting the language, discarding Korean history from
the schools, repressing customs, etc.

" In conclusion Dr. Ishizaka points out that not alone
must these errors be righted, but that the only hope lies
in the assumption on the part of Japanese, public and
private, of an attitude of Christian brotherhood towards
the Koreans. He announces a campaign to raise money
among Japanese Christians for the benefit of Koreans
and their churches,"

The Japanese Government at last came to see
that something must be done. Count Hasegawa,
the Governor-General and Mr. Yamagata, Direct-
or-General of Administration, were recalled and
Admiral Baron Saito and Mr. Midzuno were ap-
pointed to succeed them. Numerous other changes
in personnel were also made. An Imperial Re-
script was issued late in August announcing that
the Government of Korea was to be reformed, and
Mr. Hara in a statement issued at the same time
announced that the gendarmerie were to be re-
placed by a force of police, tinder the control of the
local governors, except in districts where condi-
tions make their immediate elimination advisable,
and that " It is the ultimate purpose of the Japa-
nese Government in due course to treat Korea as
in all respects on the same footing as Japan." Ad-

314 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FKEEDOM

miral Saito, in interviews, promised the inaugura-
tion of a liberal regime on the Peninsula.

The change unfortunately does not touch the
fundamental needs of the situation* No doubt
there will be an attempt to lessen some abuses.
This there could not fail to be, if Japan is to hold
its place longer among the civilized Powers. But
Mr. Hara's explanation of the new program
showed that the policy of assimilation is to be main-
tained, and with it, the policy of exploitation can
hardly fail to be joined.

These two things spell renewed failure.

XIX
WHAT CAN WE DO?

HAT do you want us to do? " men ask
me. " Do you seriously suggest that
America or Great Britain should risk
a breach of good relations or even a war with Japan
to help Korea? If not, what is the use of saying
anything? You only make the Japanese harden
their hearts still more."

What can we do? Everything!

I appeal first to the Christian Churches of the
United States, Canada and Britain. I have seen
what your representatives, more particularly the
agents of the American and Canadian Churches,
have accomplished in Korea itself. They have
built wisely and well, and have launched the most
hopeful and flourishing Christian movement in
Asia. Their converts have established congrega-
tions that are themselves missionary churches,
sending out and supporting their own teachers and
preachers to China. A great light has been lit in
Asia. Shall it be extinguished? For, make no
mistake, the work is threatened with destruction.
Many of the church buildings have been burned;

3*5

316 KOREA'S FIGHT FOB FREEDOM

many of the native leaders have been tortured and
imprisoned; many of their followers, men, women
and children, have been flogged, or clubbed, or
shot

You, the Christians of the United States and of
Canada, are largely responsible for these people.
The teachers you sent and supported taught them
the faith that led them to hunger for freedom.
They taught them the dignity of their bodies and
awakened their minds. They brought them a
Book whose commands made them object to wor-
ship the picture of Emperor even of Japanese
Emperor made them righteously angry when
they were ordered to put part of their Christian
homes apart for the diseased outcasts of the Yoshi-
wara to conduct their foul business, made them re-
sent having the trade of the opium seller or the
morphia agent introduced among them.

Your teaching has brought them floggings, tor-
tures unspeakable, death. I do not mourn for
them, for they have found something to which the
blows of the lashed twin bamboos and the sizzling
of the hot iron as it sears their flesh are small in-
deed. But I would mourn for you, if you were
willing to leave them unhelped, to shut your ears
to their calls, to deny them your practical sym-
pathy.

What can we do? you ask. You can exercise the
powers that democratic government has given you
to translate your indignation into action* You can
hold public meetings, towns meetings and church

WHAT CAN WE DO? 317

meetings, and declare, formally and with all the
weight of your communities behind you, where you
stand in this matter. You can make your senti-
ments known to your own Government and to the
Imperial Japanese Government.

Then you can extend practical support to the
victims of this outbreak of cruelty. There could
be no more effective rebuke than for the Churches
of the English-speaking nations to say to their fel-
low Christians of Korea, " We are standing by you.
We cannot share your bodily sufferings, but we
will try to show our sympathy in other ways. We
will rebuild some of your churches that have been
burned down; we will support the widows or or-
phans of Christians who have been unjustly slain,
or will help to support the families of those now
imprisoned for their faith and for freedom. We
will show, by deeds, not words, that Christian,
brotherhood is a reality and not a sham,"

In doing so, you will supply an example that will
not be forgotten so long as Asia endures. Men
say and say rightly that Korea is the key-land
of Northeastern Asia, so far as domination of that
part of the lands of the Pacific is concerned. Korea
is still more the key-land of Asia for Western civ-
ilization and Christian ideals. Let Christianity be
throttled here, and it will have received a set-back
in Asia from which it will take generations to
recover.

"The Koreans are a degenerate people, not fit
for self-government/' says the man whose mind has

318 KOBEA'S FIGHT FOE FEEEDOM

been poisoned by subtle Japanese propaganda.
Korea has only been a very few years in contact
with Western civilization, but it has already indi-
cated that this charge is a lie. Its old Government
was corrupt, and deserved to fall. But its people,
wherever they have had a chance, have demon-
strated their capacity. In Manchuria hundreds of
thousands of them, mostly fled from Japanese op-
pression, are industrious and prosperous farmers.
In the Hawaiian Islands, there are five thousand
Koreans, mainly labourers, and their families, work-
ing on the sugar plantations. They have built
twenty-eight schools for their children, and raise
among themselves $20 a head a year for the
education of their children; they have sixteen
churches; they bought $80,000 worth of Liberty
bonds during the war, and subscribed liberally to
the Red Cross. Some of these Hawaiian Koreans
210 in all volunteered to serve in the war. A
large number of Manchurian Koreans their total
has been placed as high as thirty thousand joined
the Russian forces, fought under General Lin, and
later, in conjunction with the Czecho-SIovak pris-
oners, fought the rearmed German prisoners and
the Bolsheviks.

In America the Koreans who were fortunate
enough to escape have brought the culture of rice
into California, and are a prosperous community
there. Young Koreans have won prominent place
in American colleges and in American business.
One big business in Philadelphia was created and

WHAT CAN WE DO? 319

is conducted by a Korean. Give these people a
chance, and they soon show what they can do.

A word with the statesmen.

Japan is a young country, so far as Western
civilization is concerned. She is the youngest of
the Great Powers. She desires the good will of
the world, and is willing to do much to win it. Be
frank with her. You owe it to her to deal faith-
fully with her.

When you ask me if I would risk a war over
Korea, I answer this: Firm action to-day might
provoke conflict, but the risk is very small. Act
weakly now, however, and you make a great war in
the Far East almost certain within a generation.
The main burden of the Western nations in such
a war will be borne by America.

To the Japanese themselves, I venture to repeat
words that I wrote over eleven years ago. They
are even more true now than when they were
written :

" The future of Japan, the future of the East,
and, to some extent, the future of the world, lies in
the answer to the question whether the militarists
or the party of peaceful expansion gain the upper
hand in the immediate future (in Japan). If the
one, then we shall have harsher rule in Korea,
steadily increasing aggression in Manchuria, grow-
ing interference with China, and, in the end, a
titanic conflict, the end of which none can see.
Under the other, Japan will enter into an inherit-
ance, wider, more glorious and more assured than

320 KOEEA'S FIGHT FOE FEBEDOM

any Asiatic Power has attained for many centuries.
. . . Japan has it in her to be, not the Mistress
of the East, reigning, sword in hand, over subject
races for that she can never permanently be but
the bringer of peace to, and the teacher of, the East.
Will she choose the nobler end? "

printed In tkt United States ofAmtrica